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IN ENGLISH, 1525-1611 







IN writing a Bibliographical Introduction to the Oxford 
University Press reprints of the English Bible of 1611 
I found myself constantly hampered by the lack of such a 
collection of original documents as has here been brought 
together. Quite a large number of important documents 
had never been printed in full ; others were available 
only in books now out of print or for other reasons 
difficult to obtain. Many of the books, moreover, were 
extremely bulky, and when it was desired to consider 
afresh the evidence of several different documents in 
order to straighten out some 1 small tangle, the difficulties 
of remembering where each was to be found and getting 
hold of the right'books were somewhat harassing. I was 
thus moved, when my Introduction was nearing com- 
pletion, to suggest to Mr. Frowde that a collection of 
original documents relating to the making, printing, and 
publishing of the English translations of the Bible, from 
Tyndale'sNewTestament of 1525 to the appearance of the 
version of 1611, would be as appropriate a commemora- 
tion of the Tercentenary as could well be conceived. 
Mr. Frowde cordially agreed, and the volume was 
accordingly put in hand. The natural desire of publisher 
and editor that it should be available for the use of those 
taking part in the Tercentenary Celebrations in March 
1911 will be no defence if any serious fault should be 
found, but may perhaps be allowed some weight by 


readers who would have liked fuller notes to some of the 
documents, or see room for minor improvements in other 

Although the documents here printed are mainly those 
which I used in writing my Introduction 1 they take 
a considerably wider range. The personal element which 
the bibliographer was bound to leave very imperfectly 
indicated here crops up at every turn, and in their own 
words in prefaces and letters, or in the narratives and 
comments of contemporaries, we get intimate glimpses 
into the characters of many of those who played their 
part in the century which it took to determine the great 
question as to what Bible the English people should be 
allowed to read. Another point which the documents 
emphasize is the political importance attached to that 
struggle. Just as the documents relating to the quarrel 
of Tyndale and Joye have little bearing on the main 
history of the English Bible, and yet are worth all the 
pages they fill because of their human interest, so the 
long reports of Hackett to Wolsey, or, again, the diplo- 
matic correspondence about the Bible of 1539, which 
takes us so far away from text and translators, are yet 
thoroughly relevant as showing the immense importance 
attached by the statesmen of the day to stopping or 
forwarding the supply of the Scriptures in English, 
according as their policy dictated. 

I have already indicated in my Introduction my belief 
that alter the accession of Queen Elizabeth the question 
of what Bible the English people should be allowed to 

1 In reprinting this, marginal references by their numbers have 
been given to the documents used. 


read was almost as keenly contested as before. The 
documents kindly supplied to me by Mr. Charles Riving- 
ton, just in time for insertion (see Nos. LVI and LXI), 
justify far stronger language than on the evidence at 
first before me I ventured to use. As long as he lived 
Archbishop Parker kept the Geneva Bible from being 
printed in England, and secured a monopoly for the 
Bishops' Bible, and for Jugge as its printer. We now 
know that it was within three weeks of Parker's death 
that Jugge's monopoly was broken down and that not 
more than three days later, at the instance of seven 
members of the Privy Council, Christopher Barker was 
allowed to enter the Geneva Bible ' for his copy ' at 
Stationers 1 Hall. In 1577, when Jugge died, the office 
of Queen's Printer was conferred on Barker by a patent 
which gave him the most absolute control over Bible- 
printing in England, and until the accession of Whitgift 
this patent was used to secure a monopoly for the 
Geneva version as rigorous as that which Parker had 
obtained for the Bishops'. To the reasons I have given 
in my Introduction for believing that after a few years 
of grace recourse was had to the methods of Archbishop 
Parker to support the version of 1611 as against that . 
of Geneva, I should like to add here that the real triumph 
of the 1611 version came in the days of the Common- 
wealth, when its hold on the affections of the people 
proved so strong that its supremacy remained undis- 
turbed. The leaders of the two great parties in the 
Church had loyally co-operated in making it, and after 
the experience of a third of a century it was recognized 
as the Bible of the whole Church and the whole Nation. 


It only remains to acknowledge some personal obliga- 
tions. The heaviest of these is to my friend Mr. H. R. 
Plomer, by whom the greater part of the documents were 
transcribed. 1 Mr. Plomer took the keenest interest in 
the work, and without his experienced helpfulness I could 
have done nothing. Like most other students of the 
subject, I have found Anderson's Annals of the English 
Bible (1845) of great use despite its vehement partisan- 
ship. I also owe many valuable references to Professor 
Arber's introduction to his facsimile of the Grenville 
fragment of Tyndale's New Testament of 1525 ; to 
Mr. J. A. Kingdon's privately printed monograph on 
Two Members of the Grocers' Company, Richard Grafton 
and Thomas Poyntz ; to the admirable Historical Catalogue 
of Printed Bibles by Messrs Darlow and Moule ; and to 
that standard work, A General View of the History of 
the English Bible by the late Bishop Westcott, as edited 
by Dr. Aldis Wright. 


1 With the exception of a few in Episcopal Registers all docu- 
ments have been transcribed from, or collated with, the originals. 
These have been transcribed as they stand, but contracted forms 
have been written out. In some documents the form * & ' has 
been expanded ; in others it has been allowed to stand. 




I. The Earlier English Translations (13801582) i 

II. The Bible of 1611 37 

III. The Later History of the Bible of 1611 . 65 



I. Prohibition of English Translations of the 
Bible from the time of Wyclif unless 
authorized by a Bishop or a Provincial 
Council ....... 79 

II. Sir Thomas More on the Prohibition . .81 

III. More's Plan for a Limited Circulation . . 84 

IV. Tyndale's Translations .... 86 
V. Tyndale's Story of his Translation . . 93 

VI. The Printing of the first New Testaments . 99 

VII. The News sent to the King . . .108 

VIII. The supposed Trial Version of St. Matthew 1 10 

IX. The Beginning of Tyndale's Prologue to the 

first New Testament . . . in 

X. Tyndale's Epilogue to the second New Testa- 
ment 114 

XI. Henry VIII's belief that Tyndale was insti- 
gated by Luther 117 

XII. Tyndale 6n his fellow ' apostate ' William 

Roy 119 

XIII. An Expert Criticism of Tyndale's Version . 122 

XIV. The Criticisms of Sir Thomas More . .126 




XV. Episcopal Prohibition . . . -131 
XVI. The Search for English New Testaments 
and other Heretical Books at Antwerp, 
and endeavour to get their Printers 
punished 135 

XVII. The Bishop of London buys New 

Testaments . . . . .150 

XVIII. The Bishop of Norwich refunds the Arch- 
bishop part of his outlay on New 
Testaments . . . . 153 

XIX. The Confession of Robert Necton that 
bought and sold New Testaments in 
English . . . . . 155 

XX. Bishop Nix implores the King's help . 159 

XXI. The King consults his Council and the 

Bishops ...... 161 

XXII. The King's Proclamation, June 1530 . 163 

XXIII. Tyndale's Terms of Submission . .169 

XXIV. Frith's Defence of Tyndale and his Work 172 

XXV. George Joye's Letter to the King and 

Queen 174 

XXVI. The Bishops' Petition for an English 

Bible 175 

XXVII. George Joye's unauthorized Revision of 
Tyndale's New Testament : 

A. Tyndale's Complaint . . .178 

B. George Joye's Answer . .185 

C. The Reconciliation breaks down . 188 

D. Joye's Narrative * . .190 
XXVIII. Tyndale's Work as a Translator . . 195 

XXIX. The Projected Bishops' Version . .196 











Financial help given to Coverdale by 
Jacob van Meteren . . .198 

Coverdale's Bible, 1535 : 

A. End of Dedication . . . 200 

B. Beginning of the Address to the 
Reader 202 

Coverdale's Latin-English New Testa- 
ment following the Vulgate Text : 

A. Dedication to the First Edition . 206 

B. Preface to the same Edition . 210 

The Licensing of Matthew's Bible : 

A. Letter from Cranmer to Cromwell, 
August 4, 1537 . . . .214 

B. Cranmer to Cromwell, August 13, 
1537 216 

C. Cranmer to Cromwell, August 28, 
1537 216 

D. Richard Grafton to Cromwell, 
August 28, 1537 .... 218 

E. Richard Grafton to Cromwell, 
after August 28, i$37 . . . 219 

Fox's Account of the Printing of the 
Great Bible of 1539 . . .223 

The French King's Licence . . . 232 
Reports of Progress : 

A. Letter of Coverdale and Grafton to 
Cromwell, June 23, 1538 . . 234 

B. Letter of Edward Whitchurch to 
Cromwell (undated) . . .236 

C. Letter of Coverdale, Grafton, and 
W. Gray to Cromwell, August 9, 
1538 2 37 



XXXVI. Reports of Progress continued: 

D. Coverdale and Grafton to Crom- 
well, September 12, 1538 . . 238 

E. Bishop Bonner to Cromwell, 
October 7, 1538 . . . .240 

XXXVII. The King's Proclamation, November 16, 

XXXVIII. More Reports from Paris : 

A. Grafton to Cromwell, December i, 
I53S ...... 

B. Coverdale to Cromwell, December 
i3 J 538 ..... 

XXXIX. The Bibles Confiscated: Cromwell's 
Efforts to obtain their release : 

A. Citation of Fra^ois Regnault for 
Printing the Bible at Paris, Decem- 
ber 17, 1538 . . . . 

B. Castillon, the French Ambassador 
in England, to the Constable of 
France, December 31, 1538. . 

C. Extract from Letter of the Im- 
perial Ambassador in England to 
Charles V, January 9,1539 . . 

D. Postscript of a Letter from the 
French Ambassador, Charles Maril- 
lac, to the Grand Constable of 
France, May i, 1539 . . . 

E. Extract from a Letter from the 
Grand Constable of France to the 
French Ambassador, May 6, 1539 

F. Extract from a Letter of the 
French Ambassador to the Con- 
stable, July 5, 1539 . . . 








2 54 





XL. The Price and Copyright of the Great 

Bible 257 

XLI. Patent for Bible Printing granted to 

Cromwell 258 

XLIL Anthony Marler and the Privy Council . 260 

XLIIL The King's Proclamation for the English 

Bible to be set up in Churches . . 261 

XLIV. The Reading of the Bible : 

A. Draft for a Proclamation . . 265 

B. An Admonition and Advertise- 
ment given by the Bishop of London 
to all Readers of the Bible in the 
English Tongue. 1542 . . . 267 

C. The Narrative of William Maldon 

of Newington .... 268 

XLV. The Great Bible condemned . . . 272 

XLVI. Preface to the Geneva New Testament . 275 

XL VII. Preface to the Geneva Bible . . . 279 

XLVIII. Privilege and Licence to John Bodley 
for printing the Geneva Bible for 
seven years . . . . .284 

XLIX. Parker and Grindal on the Renewal of 

Bodley 's Privilege . . . .285 

L, The Preparation of the Bishops' Bible : 

A. Letter of Richard Cox, Bishop of 
Ely, to Cecil 287 

B. Parker invites Cecil to take part 

in the Revision . . . * 287 

C. Strype's Summary of other 
Correspondence .... 288 

LI. Parker announces to Cecil the completion 

of the Bishops' Bible . . . .291 












Presentation of the Bishops' Bible to the 
Queen, and Story of the Revision : 

A. Archbishop Parker to Cecil . 292 

B. Archbishop Parker to Queen Eliza- 
beth 294 

C. Parker's Note as to the Trans- 
lators ;..... 295 

The Inception of the Rheims Ne\v 

Testament 298 

Preface to the Rheims New Testament . 301 
Jugge and Barker and their Patrons : 

A. The High Commissioners' Order 
taken between Richard Jugge and 
others of the Stationers' Company 313 

B. The Beginning of the Bible Stock , 3 14 

C. Barker's Satisfaction to Jugge . 318 
Barker establishes his Monopoly . .322 

Barker's Circular to the City. Com- 
panies 326 

Draft for an Act of Parliament for a Ncu- 

Version of the Bible . . . 320 

The Attempt to provide for the Trans- 
lators of 1611 : 

A. Bishop Bancroft circulates a 
Letter from the King . . . 331 

B. Bancroft's Exhortation to the 
Bishops to subscribe t . -334 

The Bible Stock in 1606 ... . 335 

Report on the Making of the Version of 
1611 presented to the Synod of Dort . 336 

Preface to the Version of 1611 . . 340 





MAINLY, no doubt, because of the predominance of The 
French as the language of educated people in England ^f^. fit 
from the time of the Norman Conquest until the middle 
of the fourteenth century, the Bible, as a whole, remained 
untranslated into English, until the last years of the life 
of Wyclif. A version was then made, about 1380-3, 
and some years later this was revised and substantially 
rewritten in a simpler style by another hand. That the 
reformer himself took any personal share in either of these 
versions which pass popularly under his name is unlikely, 
and in the case of the second is not seriously contended, 
We know from a manuscript at the Bodleian Library, 
Oxford, that Nicholas of Hereford, who up to the time 
of the final defeat of Wyclif 's cause at Oxford (June 1382) 
figured as one of his strongest supporters at the Uni- 
versity, was the author of the first version as far as Baruch 
iii. 20, where it breaks off in the manuscript abruptly, 
presumably because of Hereford's flight. The authorship 
of the rest of this version is unknown, and being unknown 
has been ascribed to Wyclif himself, with more piety 
than probability, since the master does not often take 
up the work of the disciple, and Wyclif, after June 1382, 
was both old and ill, The authorship of the second 
version was tentatively ascribed to one of Wyclifs 
followers, John Purvey, by Daniel Waterlon in 1729 


(Waterton's Works, vol. x, p. 361), and although Waterton 
says himself that he merely guessed and ' pitched upon ' 
Purvey as the author, and his reason for doing so has not 
been confirmed, the suggestion was accepted by Forshall 
and Madden in their splendid edition of the two versions 
in 1850, and is now frequently stated as a fact. 

A name which long before Waterton's time was con- 
nected with an English version of the Bible was that of 
John of Trevisa, of whom Caxton wrote in the preface to 
his edition of Higden's Polychronicon that at the request 
of ' one Sir Thomas lord barkley ', to whom he acted as 
priest, he had translated the Polychronicon, the Bible, 
and the De Proprietatibus Remm of Bartholomaeus 
Anglicus, one of the best known of mediaeval encyclo- 
paedias. The first and third of these translations survive. 
Of that of the Bible (mentioned also, probably 011 
Caxton's authority, in the preface to the Bible of 1611) 
nothing is known, unless it can be identified either with 
the completion of the first version begun by Nicholas uf 
Hereford or with the second version which has somewhat 
lightly been assigned to Purvey. For our present purpose 
it is unnecessary to enter further into these questions of 
authorship. It is sufficient to note that the translator 
of the second of the two extant versions worked, accord- 
ing to his own account, ' with diverse felawis and helpars * 
and had 'manie gode felawis and kunnynge at the 
correccioun of his translacioun ', It thus seems certain 
that there was something of the nature of an informal 
board or company of translators, and if piety did not 
constrain us to speak of these two versions, not indeed 
as the Wyclif, but as the Wyclifite Bible, we might well 
have been content, as the present writer suggested ten 
years ago, to have called this the Oxford Bible, since it 
was with the reform party at Oxford that it took its 


inception and, despite its origin among Wyclif 's followers, 
there was no attempt in either version to translate in any 
party spirit, or to do anything else than give a faithful 
rendering of the Vulgate Latin. 

As early as 1397 at least one copy of this English Bible 
was in the possession of a royal duke, and the names of 
other noble owners during the fifteenth century, as well 
as fine manuscripts decorated so as to be worthy of such 
ownership, remain on record. In 1408 the Convocation Record i, 
held at Oxford had forbidden the possession of any 1 "' 
English version of the Bible without licence from a bishop, 
but it is plain that such a licence could be procured, and 
we even hear of a copy belonging to such an eminently 
orthodox community as the Bridgetine house of Sion, at 
Isleworth. But the existence of Lollardy had reawakened 
such fears as Aelfric had expressed lest his epitome of 
the Pentateuch should entrap the unwary to believe in 
the lawfulness of polygamy, and a reader of the merchant 
class who had asked Ids priest to get him a licence to own 
an English Bible towards the end of the fifteenth century 
would probably have met but small encouragement. 
Add to this the fact that by this time the language of the 
Wyclifite versions was fast becoming obsolete, and also 
the vast expense of such an enterprise, and we have no 
reason to wonder that Caxton neither printed either of 
the existing translations, nor set himself to procure, or 
(hardened translator as he was) to make, a new one. 
But a generation later, other ideas had sprung up, and 
at least one man in England, William Tyndale, was 
determined that there should be an English Bible which 
not merely merchants but ploughboys could buy and read. 

William Tyndale had come to London, with a trans- 
lation of a speech of Isocrates as a proof of his ability, in 
the hope of finding encouragement from the Bishop of ment. 



London (Cuthbert Tunstall) to make a new translation 
of the New Testament not, as the ' Wydifite ' translators 
had done, from the Latin Vulgate, but from the original 
Greek. Erasmus had published his famous edition of 
the Greek Testament in 1516, and this had been revised 
and reprinted in 1519 and 1522. Along with it he had 
printed a new translation into Latin. Tyndale had 
probably heard Erasmus lecture at Cambridge, and he 
must have been prepared, if Tunstall had given him any 
encouragement, to make his English version in the spirit 
of Erasmus. But there was no room for a translator of 
iv, v. the Bible in the Bishop's house, nor indeed, as Tyndale 
said bitterly, in all England, so in 1524 he betook himself 
to Hamburg, with the help of a subsidy of 10 given him 
by a generous and devout London merchant, Henry 
iy,note4. Momnouth, and completed his translation undisturbed, 
vji, xiii, T^ are referees to what may have been trial issues 
of Matthew and Mark, but if, which is doubtful, these 
ever had a separate existence, no traces of them remain, 
vii, But before December 1525 copy had been handed to a 
Cologne printer, probably connected in some way with 
vi, the important printing house of Peter Quentell, founded 
some fifty years earlier, and ten quires (eighty pages) of 
an edition of 3,000 copies in small quarto had been printed 
off, when an anti-Lutheran controversialist, Johann 
Dobneck, 1 better known as Coclilaeus, anxious to in- 
gratiate himself with the king of England, persuaded the 
magistrates of Cologne to interfere. To escape arrest, 
Tyndale and Ms amanuensis, William Roy, fled along 
the Rhine to Worms, taking the printed quires with them, 

1 Dobneck has left three accounts of his exploit, of which he 
seems to have been more than a little proud, written respectively 
in 1533 and 1538 and (the fullest) in his De actis et sm/>tis MdHim 
Lutheri of 1549 (yeu Record vi). 


and it was thus at Worms, not at Cologne, that the first 
printed edition of the New Testament in English was 
brought out. 

By a lucky chance a single copy of eight of the ten 
quires of Tyndale's New Testament printed at Cologne 
has been preserved, wanting only the first leaf, and is 
now in the British Museum, to which it was bequeathed 
by Thomas Grenville. According to Dobneck, a quarto 
edition was published at Worms, but whether this incor- 
porated and completed the sheets printed at Cologne, or 
was entirely reset, is unknown, as no copy has survived. 
Our knowledge of Tyndale's Testament in its unrevised 
form thus rests on an octavo edition which has been 
identified from its types and illustrations as printed at 
Worms by Peter Schoeffer, the second son of the Schoeffer 
of the same name who had helped to make the art of 
printing a practical success at Mainz some seventy years 
before. This has survived in a copy at the Baptist x. 
College, Bristol, lacking only the first leaf, and another, 
much more imperfect, at St. Paul's Cathedral. Accord- 
ing to Dobneck, Tyndale printed 6,000 New Testaments 
at Worms ; it is thus probable that both the Worms 
quarto edition and the octavo, like the projected Cologne 
quarto, consisted of 3,000 copies. 

The thirty-one leaves still extant of the Cologne 
fragment contain Tyndale's Prologue and the text of 
St. Matthew down to the middle chapter xxii. To the 
text are attached marginal notes, some of them vehe- 
mently anti-Roman. In the Worms octavo the marginal 
notes have been removed, but the prefaces are largely 
based on those of Luther, and the translation of the text 
shows abundant traces of Luther's German version. It 
is clear that Tyndale worked with this, the Vulgate, the 
Latin version of Erasmus, and the Greek text all before 


him, but it is also clear that it was primarily from the 
Greek that he translated, and that the other three books 
were only aids in the use of which he exercised his own 
very competent judgement. We have his personal assur- 
ance ('I had no man to counterfet, nether was holpe 
x. with englysshe of eny that had interpreted the same, 
or soche lyke thiwge in the scripture beforetyme *) that 
among his aids there was no copy of either of the ' Wycli- 
fite ' versions, and though some resemblances have been 
quoted between his translation and these, they are not 
sufficient to cast any doubt on his statement. On the 
other hand, Tyndale's own work fixed, once for all, the 
style and tone of the English Bible, and supplied not 
merely the basis of all subsequent Protestant renderings 
of the books (with unimportant exceptions) on which he 
laboured, but their very substance and body, so that 
those subsequent versions must be looked upon as 
revisions of his, not as independent translations. 

After the octavo printed at Worms, no fragment of the 
text of any subsequent edition earlier than August 1534 
is known to exist. Tyndale was at work on the Old 

. Testament and refused all requests to supervise reprints 
of his version of the New, Copies of this are heard of as 
selling in England as early as the spring of 1526, and they 
xv. were episcopally denounced in the following autumn. 
We hear of English Testaments sold the next year at five 
xix. and seven groats apiece (is. 8d. and 2$. 4^., answering 
to a modern value of ten or twelve times as much), and 
the profit on these prices may have been sufficient of 
itself to evoke unauthorized reprints, though it is equally 
probable that the unauthorized reprinters were enthusiasts 
who did not make pecuniary profit their chief object. 
According to George Joye, the editor of the unauthorized 

. edition of August 1534, 'anon after* Tyndale's own 


issue (i.e. of 1525), the 'Dutchmen' got a copy and 
printed it again in a small volume, adding the Kalendar 
at the beginning, concordances (i. e. references to parallels) 
in the margins, and a Table at the end. 1 A second 
reprint was in a larger form, and with larger type 2 and 
with figures, i. e. wood-cuts, in the Apocalypse, Of these 
two editions there were about 5,000 copies printed and 
these were all sold out some time in 1533. A third 
reprint, consisting of 2,000 copies, Joye was asked to 
revise, but refused. When, however, yet another was in 
preparation, rather, according to his own account, than 
allow 2,000 additional copies to be placed on the market 
with the errors which by this time a succession of Dutch 
compositors had introduced, he undertook to correct the 
edition which appeared in August 1534. For doing this 
he was paid at the rate of $d. for sixteen leaves, a small 
enough sum even when multiplied by ten to give it its 
modern value, but probably the full market-price of 
press-correction at that day. Unhappily, Joye did not 
confine himself to press-correction, but not only botched 
Tyndale's English in places where he thought it obscure, 

1 This edition was apparently printed at Antwerp in 1526 by xvi A, 
Christoffel van Endhoven, who was in trouble about it with the note 2, 
city authorities by the end of the year, and in 1531 died in prison 
at Westminster as a result of trying to sell Testaments in England- 
Endhoven also called himself Van Ruremond (in various spellings), 
and until Mr. Gordon Duff cleared up the matter in his Century of 
the English Book Trade, much confusion was caused by the natural 
assumption that the two names belonged to different men. 

* This may be the edition of 1532 of which Dr, Angus possessed 
a mutilated title-page. Joye certainly seems to be enumerating 
all the editions of which he knew, and, although he may have 
used one or more which actually appeared, statements like that 
of Anderson (Annals of the English Bible), that there were six 
editions before the end of 1530, seem based on very slender 


but in certain passages gave practical effect to views 
which he had expressed in private controversy with 
Tyndale, by substituting the words ' the life after this ' 
and similar phrases for Tyndale's ' the resurrection '. 
This edition was very neatly printed in sexto-decimo at 
Antwerp by the widow of Christoffel van Endhoven, 
whose husband's share in Bible printing has been already 
mentioned in a note to page 7. 

Meanwhile, Tyndale himself had at last revised his 
translation, and his new edition was printed as an octavo 
at Antwerp in November 1534 by Martin Emperour, 
A. otherwise known as Martin Caesar or Ke5 r sere. Tyndale 
had time to insert into this a vigorous and deserved 
denunciation of Joye, whom, however, lie probably 
wronged in depicting him as actuated by merely mer- 
cenary motives. In 1904 the British Museum, which 
possesses both these editions, was fortunate enough to 
acquire yet another, previously unknown, ' prynted now 
agayne at Antwerpe by me Catharyn wydowe [the words 
'of Christoffel of Endhouen ' appear to have dropped out] 
in the yere of our lorde M. ccccc, and xxxv, the ix. daye 
xxvii B, of Januarye. 1 This contains a letter from Joye ' Unto 
the Reader' written at a moment when friends had 
brought the two men together, and Tyndale had agreed 
to withdraw his ' uncharitable pistle ', as Joye calls it, 
and substitute a ' reformed ' one in which they were 
both to ' salute the readers with one salutacion '. But 
the reconciliation was shortlived, the appearance of 
Joye's new edition being probably itself a fresh cause of 
offence ; Tyndale drew back, and on February 27, 1535, 
c. Joye sent to press an Apology, in which he made out the 
best case he could for himself and incidentally tells us 
that Tyndale was paid 10 for his edition of November 


In December 1534 the Upper House of Convocation of xxvi. 
the province of Canterbury had departed so far from its 
attitude of mere resistance as to petition the King that 
the Bible might be translated by authorized translators, 
and the progress which this denotes accounts for the 
rapidity with which one edition of Tyndale's New Testa- 
ment follows another at this period. Tyndale himself 
revised one more, printed for him by G. H., i. e. Godfrid 
van der Haghen, ere he was enticed from the house of 
the English merchants at Antwerp in May 1535, with the 
result that once beyond the walls of the free city he was 
arrested by the imperial authorities and carried to im- 
prisonment and death at Vilvorde. Yet another 1535 
edition may be noticed (probably printed by Hans van 
Ruremond), because its strange spellings (faether, 
moether, &c.) at one time were imagined to have been 
adopted to assimilate its language to the dialect of the 
ploughboys for whom Tyndale had declared that he would 
write. More prosaic commentators attributed it to the 
vagaries of Flemish compositors . But several similar spell- 
ings are found in a letter written this year by Tyndale's 
friend, Thomas Poyntz, with whom he lodged at the 
' English house ' at Antwerp, and it is possible that they 
should be looked upon as among the phonetic devices by 
which many bookish people in the sixteenth century tried 
to express their views on pronunciation. All these 
phonetic devices without exception were bad, and it 
would be well if we could get rid of them, but while many 
remained to trouble us in the twentieth century, some 
were rejected very quickly, and those of the Antwerp 
press-corrector (possibly Thomas Poyntz himself) were 
among those which never obtained currency. It may 
be noted that the Van der Haghen edition of 1535 has 
sometimes been confused with this which has the strange 


spellings, and also that the spellings are repeated in 
a reprint known only from a fragment in the British 
Museum. Seven different issues or editions of Tyndale's 
New Testament appeared in 1536, the year of his martyr- 
dom (October 6), and between 1525 and 1566, when the 
last dated edition was issued, more than forty editions 
were printed, of which definite evidence has been pre- 
served. From the fact that many of these are known 
only from a single copy, or fragment of a copy, we may 
be sure that other editions have perished entirely. 
Cover- Had Tyndale escaped his enemies for but a few more 
Bible 3 y ears ^ e wcm ld assuredly have translated the whole Bible. 
He had published an English Pentateuch in January 
1530 to 1 ?]* purporting to be printed by Luther's 
favourite printer, Hans Luft, not at Wittenberg but at 
' Malborow [Marburg] in the land of Hesse ' (an imprint 
of which the genuineness has been alternately accepted 
and denied by bibliographers for a fatiguing number of 
years 1 ), and a second edition of this without date, or 
imprint (? Antwerp, Martin Keysere, 1531) ; also, ' The 
prophete lonas, with an introduced before, teachinge 

1 The recent investigations of Mr. Steele have tended to con- 
nect the types and ornaments with some firm at Antwerp, but 
Fox states circumstantially that Tyndale took his translation to 
iv. be printed at Hamburg, lost the manuscript by shipwreck on the 
coast of Holland, and when he reached Hamburg in another ship 
was obliged to begin his work anew, completing it with the aid of 
Miles Coverdale. There are some difficulties in this account, but 
xvi. the hue and cry for Lutheran books raised by Wolsey's agents in 
Antwerp at the end of 1 526 and beginning of 1 $27 make it not at 
all improbable that a press and materials may have been shipped 
from Antwerp to Hamburg (also a Free Gty and under ordinary 
circumstances comparatively safe) in 1527, and that books may 
have been produced there until printing at Antwerp could be 
vi, vii, xi, resumed. The attribution of them to Luther's printer would have 
xiii, xiv. gained ready credence at the time, as Tyndale's adversaries had 
greatly exaggerated Luther's influence on his work. 


to understate him and the right use also of all the 
scripture.' To his New Testament of November 1534, 
moreover, he had appended English versions of all the 
lessons from the Old Testament appointed to be read in 
the liturgy instead of Epistles. As we shall see, he had 
also left behind him, in all probability, a manuscript xxviii. 
translation of the Old Testament as far as the end of 
Chronicles. But the completion of an English Bible was 
reserved for a man of far less scholarship, but an equally 
happy style, Miles Coverdale, a Yorkshireman born in 
1488, and educated at Cambridge, where he had taken 
the degree of Bachelor of Canon Law as recently as 1531. 

The most explicit information which Coverdale's Bible 
offers as to its provenance is that of its colophon, which 
reads : ' Prynted in the yeare of oure LORDE M.D.XXXV. 
and fynishfed the fourth daye of October/ Its earliest 
title-page begins with the word ' Biblia ' in roman majus- 
cules, followed in German script type of various sizes by 
the explanation : ' The Bible, that || is, the holy Scrip- 
ture of the || Olde and New Testament, faith || fully and 
truly translated out || of Douche and Latyn in to Eng- 
lishe |1 M.D.XXXV. Subsequently this was replaced by 
another title in English black-letter with the shortened 
formula, ' faythfully translated in || to Englyshe.' The 
whole of the text of the book is in a small German script, 
and it had originally preliminary leaves in the same type 
(of which only one has survived) ; these, however, were 
reprinted in English black-letter at the same time as the 

In his dedication to the king Coverdale protests ' I xxxi, 
haue nether wrested nor altered so moch as one worde 
for the mayntenaunce of any maner of secte : but haue 
with a cleare conscience purely and faythfully translated 
this out of fyue sundry interpreters, hauyng onely the 


manyfest trueth of the scripture before myne eyes '. 
Investigation has shown that of the five ' interpreters ' 
here mentioned two must have been ' Douche ' i. e. 
(i) the Swiss-German version of Zwingli and Leo Juda, 
first printed at Zurich by Christopher Froschouer in the 
years 1527-9, and (ii) Luther's German, of which the 
New Testament was printed in 1522, the Old Testament 
as far as the Song of Songs in 1523-4, and a complete 
edition in 1534 ; two Latin, i.e. (iii) the new rendering 
of Sanctes Pagninus, an Italian Catholic theologian, 
published with papal sanction at Lyons in 1527-8, 
and (iv) the Vulgate ; and one English, i. e. (v) 
the New Testament and Pentateuch translated by 

Coverdale graduated as Bachelor of Canon Law at 
Cambridge in 1531, but thereafter until 1536 his move- 
ments are unknown. 1 There has consequently been much 
dispute as to where and by what firm his Bible was 
printed in 1535, Early in the i8th century, however, 
Humphrey Wanley, the librarian of Robert Harley, Earl 
of Oxford, suggested that the printer was probably 
Christopher Froschouer of Zurich, who fifteen years later 
produced another edition of it. Investigation showed 
that two of the larger types of the English Bible of 1535 
were in the possession of Froschouer, but these were 
used also by other German printers, and the matter 
remained undecided until, in his article on Coverdale in 
the Dictionary of National Biography, Mr, H. R. Tedder 
by the kindness of Dr. Christian Ginsburg was enabled 
to state that he had seen two leaves of a Swiss-German 
Bible printed in the same German type as the text of 

xxx. l If the story that he was subsidized while translating by Jacob 
van Meteren of Antwerp be believed he was probably part of the 
time at Antwerp. 


Coverdale's English version. The complete book, an un- 
recorded edition of 1529-30 from the press of Froschouer, 
had once been in Dr. Ginsburg's possession, but I learn 
from Dr. Ginsburg himself that this disappeared from his 
library in a very painful manner, and only these leaves 
remain. While it is regrettable that the complete evi- 
dence can no longer be produced, they may be taken as 
sufficiently establishing that it was at Zurich and by 
Froschouer that the first printed English Bible was 

The problem presented by the reprinted preliminary 
leaves is not very difficult. These, as printed at Zurich, 
probably did not exceed four, of which the first was 
occupied by the title with a list of the books of the Bible 
printed on the back, the second and third by Coverdale's 
Prologue, the fourth by the statement as to ' The first 
boke of Moses, called Genesis, what this boke con- 
teyneth ' When it was ascertained that the book 
would be allowed to circulate in England it was very 
desirable to distinguish it ^ from the Antwerp New 
Testaments which had brought such trouble on their 
purchasers. The word ' Douche ' was therefore elimi- 
nated from the title-page (' Latyn ' going with it), 1 
a dedication to the king was inserted and the whole quire 
was printed in English black-letter, almost certainly by 
James Nycholson at Southwark, first with the date 
M D x x x v on the title, afterwards with that of the 
following year. There would be the less difficulty in 
doing this, as under an Act passed in 1534 books printed 

1 The space thus saved was devoted to extending the third of 
three texts quoted in the title by an additional two lines. It has 
been contended that the mention of ' Douche and Latyn ' was 
removed expressly to make room for this. Such a view surely 
reverses the relative importance of the two changes. 


abroad could not be imported into England ready bound, 
but only in sheets (so that English binders might make 
their profit off them), and there was thus no need to pull 
the book to pieces in order to make the change. In the 
revised form the preliminary quire was made up as 
follows : 

i a , title; i b , blank; 2 a -4 a , an Epistle || Unto the Kyages 
Highnesse; 4 b -; a , A prologe || To the reader ; ; b -8 a , The bokes 
of the hole Byble || how they are named in Englyssh, etc. ; 8 b , 
The first boke of || Moses, called || Genesis || what this book 

Coverdale's version was reprinted in folio and quarto 
by James Nycholson in 1537, eac h edition bearing on its 
title, not over truthfully, the words ' newly ouersene and 
corrected ', or, as the last word stands in the quarto, 
' corrected The quarto title, which must thus be the 
later of the two, bears also the still more reassuring 
announcement, 'Set foorth with the Kynges inoost 
gracious licence, 1 When as much favour was shown to 
it as this, it is surprising that this text of 1537 was not 
taken as the official version, since Coverdale was a much 
suppler and more conciliatory translator than Tyndale, 
and whereas the latter had consistently substituted (even 
going out of his way, at times, to do so), the less eccle- 
xiii, xiv. siastical terms congregation, elder, favour, knowledge, love, 
repentance, for church, priest, grace, confession, charity, 
xxxii B. penance, Coverdale was ready to use either or both. 
Matthew's While, however, his folio and quarto were being printed 
Blble< at Southwark, a new Bible was being set up, almost 
certainly at Antwerp, which used Coverdale's version of 
the Old Testament from the end of Chronicles, includ- 
ing the Apocrypha, but Tyndale's New Testament, as 
revised by him for the edition of May 1535, and also his 
Pentateuch and a hitherto uiipriuted version of Joshua 


2 Chronicles, which has been conjectured with every 
appearance of reason to be Tyndale's continuation of his 
translation to the point, or very near the point, 1 which 
he had reached at the time of his arrest. This version 
was corrected for the press by Tyndale's disciple, John 
Rogers, and was put forward as 'truly and purely 
translated into Englysh by Thomas Matthew 1 , a pro- 
bably fictitious and certainly deceptive attribution, the 
name serving at the time to cover the share of Tyndale, 
but being afterwards unequivocally treated as the alias 
of the real editor, Rogers. 

Almost childish as the device of attributing a trans- 
lation of the Bible made up of the work of Tyndale 
and Coverdale to a fictitious or man-of-straw Thomas 
Matthew 2 now appears, it served to save the face of the 
king and the bishops by the pretence that this was a 
new version, and so one which might be considered to 
have been made in compliance with the petition sent 
to the king by the Upper House of Convocation in 
December 1534. Cranmer had originally planned that 

1 According to Halle's Chronicle, printed by Richard Graftou xxviii. 
in 1548, Tyndale also translated Nehemiah, ' the Prophet Jonas 
and no more of the holy scripture. 1 Why Coverdale's version 
was preferred to his for Nehemiah is hard to see, but the state- 
ment strongly confirms the attribution of Joshua 2 Chronicles 
to Tyndale. The manuscript of this may have been handed by 
Thomas Poyntz, Tyndale's host at Antwerp, either to Rogers, the 
editor, or to the two English printers, Grafton and Whitchurch, 
who are known to have superintended the production of the 
edition. Poyntz and Grafton were both members of the Grocers' 
Company, at this time apparently very favourable to Protestan- 
tism. The attribution of the edition to a press at Antwerp is 
confirmed by Grafton sending Bibles to Cromwell by the hands 
of a servant who, as he tells Cromwell, had just arrived from 

8 A few yearb earlier a real Thomas Matthew lived at Colchester, 


xxix. such a version should be made by the English bishops, 
sharing the task between them, and his correspondence 
shows that some steps in this direction had actually been 
taken. But while some of the bishops had little fitness 
for such a task, others had still less inclination, and the 
work made no progress. Thus when the Matthew Bible 
xxxvii, A. was submitted to Cranmer, he wrote urgently to Crom- 
well (August 1537), entreating him to use his influence 
to get from the king ' a license that the same may be sold 
and redde of every person withoute danger of any acte, 
prodamacion or ordinaunce hertofore graunted to the 
contrary, untill such tyme that we the Bishops shall set 
forth a better translation, which I thinke will not be till 
a day after Domesday '. The petition thus made was 
granted, Cromwell's goodwill having apparently been 
already secured, and, with a lightheartedness which is 
really amazing, official sanction was given to a Bible 
largely made up of the work of Tyndale, and which 
included his markedly Protestant Prologue to Romans 
(based on Luther), and equally Protestant side-notes, 
some of them supplied by Rogers from the version of the 
French reformer Olivetan, In his letter to Cromwell 
Cranmer characterizes the book as ' a Bible in Englishe 
both of a new translation [which, save for the portion 
Joshua 2 Chronicles, from Tyndale's unpublished manu- 
script, it was not] and of a new prynte [Antwerp !], 
dedicated unto the Kinges Majestic, as farther apperith 
by apistle unto His Grace in the begynnyng of the boke ', 
and further remarks, ' as for the translation, so farre as 
I haue redde therof I like it better than any other trans- 
lation hertofore made.' No doubt in 1537 the king had 
moved a long way in the direction of Protestantism 
for the moment but considering his character, the whole 
transaction bore a remarkable resemblance to playing 


with gunpowder. From a letter of Grafton's it appears xxxiii E. 
that 1,500 copies of this Bible were printed, and that it 
had cost him 500. 

As was inevitable, the Matthew Bible was quickly The Great 
superseded, but its importance was very great, since it Bibles - 
formed the starting-point of the successive revisions 
which resulted in the version of 1611, a matter for sincere 
congratulation, as it contained (save for the rejection of 
his version of Nehemiah, Jonah, and the ' Epistles ' from 
the Old Testament) the greatest possible amount of the 
work of Tyndale, who was a far better scholar than 
Coverdale. It was, however, to the latter, who is known 
to have been in England early in 1538, that the task of 
revising it, and expunging all controversial annotation, 
was entrusted. It was intended, at first, to substitute xxxvi c. 
new notes,. but although signs drawing attention to these " B ' 
were printed, the notes themselves were suppressed. 
For the revision of the text, great use was made in 
the Old Testament of a new Latin translation from 
the Hebrew by Sebastian Munster, published in 1534-5, 
while the New Testament was compared afresh with the 
translation of Erasmus and theXomplutensian Polyglott. 
No English office being considered sufficiently wellxxxy, 
equipped to produce so large a book in a handsome XXX1X B ' 
manner, or with the speed desired, it was resolved to 
have recourse to the great Paris firm of Frangois Reg- 
nault, who up to 1534 had been accustomed to print 
service-books for the English market. Coverdale and 
Grafton went to Paris to see the work through the press, 
and an edition of 2,000 copies was put in hand, the funds xxxixB,c. 
being provided wholly or mainly by Cromwell. Letters 
written by Coverdale and Grafton to Cromwell in June, 
August, and September, 1538, speak of the rapid progress xxxvi C,D. 
of the book, and its arrival in England seemed to be only 


xxxvii, a matter of a few months. In November the king issued 
a proclamation which reflects the scandal caused to the 
less progressive Churchmen by the notes and prologues 
in Matthew's Bible. The contents of the earlier sections 
are thus summarized by Mr. Robert Steele (Bibliography 
of Royal Proclamations of the Tudor and Stwrt Sovereigns, 
No. 176) : 

In consequence of the import of certain printed books from 
abroad and the publication of others here ' with privilege ' 
containing annotations in the margins, &c., imagined by the 
makers and printers of these books, dissension has been set up 
concerning the sacraments, &c. It is therefore ordered ( i ) that 
no English books printed abroad be brought into the country 
on pain of forfeiture of all goods and imprisonment. (2) No 
person to print any English book except aiter examination by 
some of the Privy Council or other persons appointed. The 
words ' cum privilegio regali ' not to be used without ' ad im- 
primendum solum ', and the whole copy or the eflect of the 
licence to be printed underneath. No copies of Scripture -with 
annotations to be printed except they are first examined, but 
only the plain sentence with a table. No translations to be 
printed without the name of the translator, unless the printer 
answer for it as his own. (3) No printer to publish any books 
of Scripture in English till they are examined by the King, or 
one of the Privy Council, or a bishop. 

While these provisions were clearly directed to prevent 
arecurrence of the scandal of 1537, some of them naturally 

xxxviii A. caused great alarm to Grafton and Coverdale, who mote 
at once to Cromwell to know how they were to be met. 
But a heavier blow was awaiting them. The relations 
between England and France were becoming critical, and 
the French ambassador, learning of Cromwell's personal 

xxxix c. interest in the English Bible which was being -printed 
at Paris, wrote home suggesting that it should be seized. 
On December 9 the crisis was intensified by the execution 
of Cardinal Pole's relations on a charge of treason. On 


December 13 Coverdale became alarmed and wrote to xxxviii B, 
Cromwell that he had deposited some of the printed 
sheets (quantity unspecified) with the English ambassador, 
Bishop Bonner, that something at least might be saved 
from the threatened wreck. Four days later the In-xxxixA. 
quisitors were let loose on the printing office, Regnault 
was arrested, the English correctors had to flee for their 
lives, and all the stock on the premises was seized for 
conveyance to the custody of the University of Paris. 
As early as December 31 we find Cromwell asking the xxxix B. 
French ambassador in London to secure its return. He 
had spent, he said, 400 on the work, and any good 
offices rendered in this matter should meet with due 
acknowledgement. Mention of the Bibles recurs in the 
ambassador's correspondence, and as late at least as 
July 1539 it is evident that the stock still lay at the xxxix F. 
University, and that the negotiations for its return were 
at a standstill. Yet the printed copies of the book 
bear a colophon which reads : ' The ende of the New 
Testament and of the whole Byble. Fynisshed in 
Apryll Anno M. ccccc.xxxix. A domino factuw est 

It seems probable that in the colophon just quoted 
there was at least a touch of bravado. Doubtless the 
completion in any form of the edition in April 1539 was 
indeed 'the Lord's doing', and doubtless its editors 
desired that it should appear marvellous in the eyes of 
their enemies. But it is far from certain that the 
existence of the colophon denotes the existence of 
sufficient copies for an edition to have been issued any- 
where near the date named. In the later editions of his 
Actes and Monumentes, John Foxe added to his ' Story xxxiv. 
of the L[ord] Cromwell' a section 'Of the Bible in 
English printed in the large volume ', and although 



almost every statement in this which can be tested can 
be shown to be inexact, his account of what happened in 
Paris is worth quoting : 

And so the printer went forward and printed forth the booke 
euen to the last part, and then was the quarell picked to the 
printer, and he was sent for to the inquisitors of the fayth, and 
there charged with certaine articles of heresie. Then were sent 
for the Englishmen that were at the cost and charge thereof, 
and also such as had the correction of the same, which was 
Myles Coverdale, but hauing some warning what would folow 
the said Englishmen posted away as fast as they could to saue 
themselves, leaning behynd them all their Bibles, which were 
to the number of 2500, called the Bibles of the great volume, 
and neuer recouered any of them, sauing that the Lieftenaunt 
criminal hauing them deliuered vnto hyrn to burne in a place 
of Paris (like Smithfield) called Maulbert place, was somewhat 
mooned with couetousnes, and sold 4 great dry fattes of them 
to a Haberdassher to lap in caps, and those were bought againe, 
but the rest were burned, to the great and importunate losse 
of those that bare the charge of them. But notwithstandyng 
the sayd losse after they had recouered some part of the fore- 
sayde bookes, and were comforted and encouraged by the Lord 
Cromwell, the said Englishmen went agayne to Paris, and there 
got the presses, letters, and seruaunts of the aforesayd Printer 
and brought them to London, and there they became printers 
themselues (which before they neuer entended) and printed 
out the said Bible in London, and after that printed sundry 
impressions of them ; but yet not without great trouble and 
losse, for the hatred of the Bishops, namely, Steven Gardiner, 
and his fellowes, who mightily did stomacke and maligne the 
printing thereof. (Acts and Monuments, newly recognised and 
inlarged by the Authour, John Foxe, 1583, page 1191). 

It is clear from this narrative that the French authori- 
ties, while holding the bulk of the stock as an asset in their 
negotiations with Cromwell, made a pretence of burning 
it, and that of the copies set aside to be burnt, Grafton 
rescued a certain number, possibly sixty or eighty, as it 
would need a large vat to hold more than a score of them. 


Add the copies deposited with Bonner before the raid, 
and there may have been a hundred or so available for 
issue, enough for distribution, but not a quantity which 
could be put on the market, When, therefore, on the 
arrival of type and printers from France, the missing 
sheets were printed and the first edition finished, a 
new one, answering to the first page for page, so that 
sheets would be interchangeable, was put in hand, at 
the expense this time, not of Cromwell, but of a member 
of the Haberdashers' Company, Anthony Marler. In 
November 1539 there is good evidence that Grafton was xxxiv, 
once more in Paris, and nothing is likely to have taken note I0< 
him there save the business of the Bible. It seems 
probable that this time he succeeded in rescuing the 
remains of the confiscated stock, and that this first Great 
Bible was thus ready for issue some time before the end 
of the year 1539, which, it must be remembered, answered 
to March 24, 1540, the more prevalent English reckoning 
at this time being from the Incarnation, not the Nativity, 
nor the Jan. i of the Roman Civil Year. Thus the issue 
of ' April 1539 ' was probably followed within a few 
weeks by that of April 1540, and this by a third in July, 
and a fourth in November, while yet others followed in 
May, November, and December, 1541, making seven 
Great Bibles in all. Only by an output on this scale 
could it be possible for every parish church to supply 
itself with a copy, as Cromwell had bade in the Injunctions xliii, 
which, as Vicar-General, he issued (before the trouble in note lf 
Paris) in September 1538, and as the king commanded 
afresh by a proclamation of May 6, 1541, the limit of date xltti. 
being then fixed at the feast of All Saints (November i), 
under penalty of a fine of forty shillings for each month's 
delay. In order to lighten the obligation, the price of 
the book was fixed as low as xos. unbound, or 125. well 


and sufficiently bound, trimmed and clasped. This 

price of ten shillings was only formally imposed by the 

xlii. Privy Council on April 25, 1541, but as early as November 

3d. 1539 we find Cranmer writing to Cromwell that Berthelet 
(the king's printer) and Whitchurch had been with him, 
and that he had sanctioned a charge of 135. 4*?., but that 
as the printers understood that Cromwell desired it to 
be ios., they were contented to sell them for that, if they 
could be protected against competition. This Cromwell 

xli. effected the same day, by getting a patent from the king 
made out to himself, which enabled him to make the 
authorized printers and publishers his deputies. All the 
same, the substitution of ios. for 135. 4^. as the price 
must have hit the producers rather heavily, as from 
a curious lawsuit decided such were the law's delays 
in Tudor times in 1560, it appears that Anthony 
Marler had actually agreed to repurchase Bibles from a 
stationer named Philip Scapulis at the rate of ios. 4^. 
apiece, or 4^. more than the price which he was himself 
allowed to charge (see ' Anthony Marler and the Great 
Bible', by H. R. Plomer. The Library, jrd Scries, 
i. 200-6). If he had made many such contracts the 
vellum copy of the issue of April 1540, which Marler 
presented to the king, can hardly have been paid for 
out of profits. 

In the fine wood-cut title-page, designed, it is said, by 
Holbein, for these Great Bibles, the king is shown seated 
while Cranmer and Cromwell stand distributing copies 
to the people, who receive them with shouts of ' Vivat 
Rex '. For the 1539 Bible Cranmer had done nothing, 
and it is accordingly called Cromwell's. That of April 
1540 and the subsequent issues are enriched 'with 
a prologe thereinto, made by the reuerende father in 
God, Thomas archbysshop of Canterbury ', and these arc 


usually called Cranmer's. 1 The April 1540 text shows 
fairly numerous signs of further revision by Coverdale, 
and that of July of a few further changes ; the remaining 
editions were reprints. The first, third, and fourth of the 
seven editions bear the name of Grafton, the second and 
fifth that of Whitchurch, the sixth mostly Whitchurch 
with a few Grafton titles, the seventh mostly Grafton 
with a few for Whitchurch. The second, third, fifth, and 
seventh bear only the notice, ' This is the Bible appoynted 
to the vse of the churches ' ; the fourth and sixth bear 
title-pages specially worded to comply with the pro- 
clamation, viz. : 

The Byble in Englyshe of the largest and greatest volume, 
auctorised and apoynted by the commaundement of oure moost 
redoubted prynce and soueraygne Lorde, Kynge Henry the VIII, 
supreme head of this his churche and realme of Englande : to 
be frequented and vsed in euery church w'in this his sayd 
realme, accordynge to the tenoure of hys former Iniunctions 
geuen in that behalfe. Ouersene and perused at the comaunde- 
mewt of the kinges hyghnes by the ryght reuerende fathers in 
God, Cuthbert, bysshop of Duresme, and Nicholas bisshop of 
Rochester. Printed by Rycharde Grafton [in other copies by 
Edwarde Whitchurch]. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum 
solum, 1541. 

Diligent investigation has not yet discovered in what the 
episcopal revision consisted, 

A smaller folio edition was printed in 1540 by Petit 
and Redman for Berthelet, who, from his presence at the 
interview between Cranmer and Whitchurch as to the 
price of the Great Bible, seems to have helped Whit- 
church with funds. It should be mentioned also that in 
1539 an independent version by Richard Tavemer, a 
barrister with a considerable knowledge of Greek, was 

1 After Cromwell's execution in July, 1540, his arms were cut 
out from this title-page. 


printed by Petit for Berthelet, but this, as attaining little 
success at the time and having no influence on the 
version of 1611, need not detain us here. 

After December, 1541, no more English Bibles were 
ilv. printed during the reign of Henry VIII. Proposals were 
made for a more conservative rendering, with due reten- 
tion of ecclesiastical phrases, but these came to nothing. 
During the short reign of Edward VI the idea was 
entertained of a new revision by Fagius and Bucer, 
but this also fell through. Reprints, however, were 
very numerous, Matthew's Bible, the Great Bible, and 
Tyndale's Testament (revised and unrevised) being 
the most favoured, but Coverdale's Bible was also 
reprinted, and even Taverner's version of the Old 
Testament was touched up and reissued with Tyndale's 
of the New. 

The Under the reign of Mary there was no Bible-printing 

G va in England, but the number of Protestant exiles, hold- 
ing extreme views and interested in scholarship, who 
found themselves congregated at Geneva, led to a new 
revision of great importance in the history of the English 
Bible. The Geneva Bible itself did not appear until 
xlvi. 1560, but it was preluded in 1557 by a New Testament, 
obviously the work of a single translator, identifiable 
with practical certainty as William Whittingham, a 
senior student of Christ Church, Oxford, who subse- 
quently (1563) became Dean of Durham, although he 
had received no episcopal ordination. While working on 
his translation Whittingham was acting as a ' senior ' 
or elder of the Church at Geneva, of which in 1559 he 
became deacon and thefollowingyear minister. He is said 
to have been connected by marriage with Calvin, who 
contributed to the New Testament of 1557 ' The Epistle 
declaring that Christ is the end of the Lawc ', and he 


was undoubtedly the moving spirit of the Bible of 1560, 
which he stayed at Geneva to complete when other exiles 
were hurrying home on the accession of Elizabeth. 
Moreover, while the 1557 translation of the New Testa- 
ment was very thoroughly revised when reprinted in the 
Bible of 1560, the general lines of the earlier book were 
carefully followed in the later, and even some phrases 
were taken over from its preface. There is thus a very 
strong presumption that the new translation, destined to 
so great a popularity, originated with Whittingham, and 
that the trial New Testament was his individual work. 
The printing of this was completed at Geneva ' this x. of 
lune ' 1557, by Conrad Badius, the book being a pretty 
little 32, in the style at that time specially popular at 
Lyons, withornamental capitals andheadpieces, printed in 
a small clear roman type, with a still smaller type of the 
same class for the marginal notes, and italics as a sub- 
sidiary fount. The title of the book reads : 

The || New Testa- 1| ment of our Lord le || sus Christ. ||| Con- 
ferred diligently with the Greke, and best ap- 1| proued transla- 
tions. 'HI With the arguments, aswel before the Chapters, as for 
euery Boke ]| & Epistle, also diuersities of readings, and moste 
profitable || annotations of all harde places : wherunto is 
added a copi- 1| ous Table. [Woodcut illustrating the theme 1 : 
God by time restoreth Truth || and maketh her victorious.] 
At Geneva || Printed by Conrad Badius, |[ M.D. LVII. 

In the preface, quoted in full in the Records, Whitting- xlvi. 
ham says that in his translation he has chiefly had respect 
to the ' simple lambes, which partely are already in the 
f olde of Christ, and so willingly heare their Shepeheards 

1 It is evident that we have here the inspiration for the pageant 
of Time, Truth, and the Bible at ' the Little Conduit in Cheape ' 
which attracted so much attention at the progress of Queen 
Elizabeth from Westminster to the Tower the next year. 


voyce, and partly wandering astray by ignorance, tary 
the tyme tyll the Shepeherde f ynde them and bring them 
vnto his flocke ', being himself ' moued with zeale, coun- 
selled by the godly, and drawen by occasion, both of the 
place where God hath appointed vs to dwel, and also of 
the store of heauenly learning & Judgement, which so 
abundeth in this Citie of Geneua, that iustely it may be 
called the patron and mirrour of true religion and 
godlynes '. 

To these therfore which are of the ilocke of Christ which 
knowe their Fathers wil, and are affectionecl to the tructh, 
I rendre a reason of my doing in fewe lines. First as touching 
the perusing of the text, it was diligently reuiscd by the moste 
approued Greke examples, and conference of translations in 
other tonges as the learned may easiely mdge, both by the 
faithful rendering of the sentence, and also by the proprietie 
of the wordes and perspicuitie of the phrase, Forthermorc 
that the Reader might be by ail meanes proffited, 1 haue 
deuided the text into verses and sections, according to the best 
editions in other langages, and also, as to this day the ancieut 
Greke copies mention, it was wont to be vsed. And because 
the Hebrew and Greke phrases which are strange to rendre in 
other tongues, and also shorte, shulcle not be so harde, I haue 
sornetyme interpreted them without any whit diminishing the 
grace of the sense, as our lawgage cloth vse them, and sometymc 
haue put to that worde, which lacking made the sentence 
obscure, but haue set it in such letters as may easely be dis- 
cerned from the commun texte. 

He goes on to explain his system of annotation, and the 
critical marks by which he drew attention to differences 
in the Greek manuscripts, either in single words or ' in 
the sentence ', and finally expatiates at some length on 
the value of the Arguments ' aswel they which conteync 
the suwme of cuery chapter, as the other which arc 
placed before the bookes and epistles, wherof the com- 
moditie is so great that they may serue in stede of 
a Commcntarie to the Reader.' 


Space forbids more quotation, but it will be evident 
from these extracts that it is to Whittingham's New 
Testament that the Version of 1611 owes two of its 
prominent features, its division into verses (taken by 
Whittingham from tienne's Greek- Latin Testament of 
1551) and the use of italics for explanatory and con- 
nective words and phrases (taken from Beza's New 
Testament of 1556). Whittingham's chapter-summaries, 
moreover, were much fuller than those of the Great 

All the features in the New Testament of 1557 are 
repeated in the Bible of 1560, in preparing which Whit- xlvn. 
tingham had the help of Anthony Gilby and Thomas 
Sampson, afterwards (from 1561 till his deprivation in 
1565) Dean of Christ Church. The funds for this were 
apparently subscribed by the Protestant exiles or sent 
out by friends in England, since the translator speaks of 
* being earnestly desired and by diuers, whose learning 
and godlynes we reuerence, exhorted and also incouraged 
by the ready willes of suche, whose heartes God likewise 
touched, not to spare any charges for the fortherance of 
suche a benefite and fauour of God toward his Churche '. 
One of these helpers was John Bodley (father of Sir 
Thomas), who in January, 1561, received an exclusive 
patent from Elizabeth for printing this Bible under xlviii. 
episcopal supervision for seven years, a grant which in 
March, 1565 (? 1566), Parker and Grindal recommended 
should be extended for another twelve, but still subject to xlix. 
implied conditions which apparently Bodley could not 
accept. By the help of these funds the translators were 
able to borrow or buy woodcuts to illustrate the descrip- 
tions of the tabernacles, &c., in Exodus, I Kings, and 
Ezekid from Antoine Rebul, the publisher of the French 
Bible printed at Geneva in the same year. They allude 


to these cuts in their preface and also to the addition of 
verse-numbers in the chapter-summaries, by which these 
were brought into the form used in 1611. 

As regards the literary influences which affected the 
Geneva version, it is clear that increased use was made 
of the Latin translation of Pagninus, the revised Bible 
of Leo Juda, and that of Sebastian Miinster, also of the 
French revisions of Olivetan. For the New Testament 
Whittingham had constant recourse to the French version 
of Beza (Theodore de Beze), published in 1556 ; further 
use was made of this in 1560, while in 1576 Laurence 
Tomson (a Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, who sat 
for fourteen years, 1575-89, in the House of Commons) 
used the Geneva version as the basis of a direct 
translation from the French of Beza, and editions 
of this were often bound up with the Geneva Old 

After Elizabeth's accession the Great Bible was once 
again, by the Injunctions of 1559, ordered to be set up 
in churches, and new editions were printed by R. Harrison 
at London in 1562, and at Rouen in 1566 by Cardin 
Hamilton, at the expense of Richard Carmarden (an 
Englishman connected with the customs), this foreign 
edition disarming suspicion by stating on its title-page 
that it was ' According to the translation apoynted by 
the Queenes Majesties Iniunctions to be read in all 
Churches with in her Majesties Realme '. Archbishop 
Parker had shown no ill-will to the Geneva version, was 
even, indeed, subject to conditions, ready to support 
John Bodley's application for an extension of his privi- 
lege for it, but the use of a translation with bitterly con- 
troversial notes in the public services of the Church was 
contrary both to Tudor ideals of uniformity and to 
1 A, B. Parker's own preference for the w& uwdia* In or before 


1566, therefore, perhaps at the instigation of Richard The 
Cox, Bishop of Ely, he revived the project, which 
come to naught in Cramner's day, of a new revision to 
be mainly the work of the Anglican bishops. Beyond 
two or three quotations in Strype's Life of Parker from 1 c. 
letters of prelates engaged in the task we know curiously 
little about its progress until October 5, 1568, when 
Parker was able to send to Sir William Cecil a bound li, lii 
copy for presentation to the Queen, and enclosed with it 
a dedicatory letter, and (for Cecil's information) a list 
of the revisers and a copy of the ' Observations respected ' 
by them. The observations tdl us that the revisers were 
to follow the Great Bible ' and not to recede from it but 
where it varyeth manifestly from the Greek or Hebrew 
original ', to make use of the versions of Pagninus and 
Munster, to abstain from bitter or controversial notes, to 
mark sections not edifying for public reading, and to 
substitute more convenient terms and phrases for ' all 
such words as sound [tend] in the old translation to any 
offence of lightnes or obscenity '. 

As regards the personality of the revisers, Parker tells 
Cecil ' bicause I wold yow knewe all, I here send yow 
a note to signifie who first travelled in the diverse bookes, 
though after them sum other perusing was had ; the 
lettres of their names bepartlie affixed in the ende of their 
bookes ; which I thought a polecie to showe them, to make 
them more diligent, as awnswerable for their doinges '. 
When we turn to the Bible itself we find initials such as 
Parker thus leads us to expect not only at the end of 
certain books, but also in certain cases printed in or 
under the ornamental capital with which a book or 
chapter begins. We may thus construct the following 
table : 


Parker's Note. 

Indications in the, 


The sum of the 

The Tables of 
Christ's Line . 
The Arguments 
of the Scripture 
The first Preface 
unto the Whole 

>M. Cant. . 

The Archbishop's 
arms quartered 
with those of Christ 
Church, Canter- 
bury, in the capital 
before the Table of 
Christ's Line ; his 

Matthew Parker, 
Archbishop of Can- 

The Preface unto 

personal arms in 
the capital before 

the Psalter 
The Preface unto 
the New Testa- 

the general preface 
or prologue. 



|M. Cant. . 

Initials M. C. under 

Matthew Parker. 

Leviticus . 
Numbers . 

[ Cantuariae 

Andrew Pierson, 
Prebend, of Can- 

Deuteronomy . 

W.Exon. . 

W.E.atend . 

William Alley, 
Bishop of Exeter, 




Richard Davies, 


;- R, Meneven . R. M. at end . 

Bishop of St. 

Kings (Samuel) 



Kings III, IV 
(I, II) . 
Chronicles I, II . 

. Ed. Wigorn 

E. W. under capital 
and at end 

Edwin Sandys, 
Bishop of Worces- 

Job ... 
Proverbs , 

I Cantuariae 

A, P C at end of each 

Andrew Pierson, 
Prebend, of Canter- 



Cantica . 

jCantabri- . 
i gia-e 

AP/iatend . 

Andrew Pcrnc, Dean 
of lily. 

Ecclesiasticus , 

i B 

Susanna . 

. J. Nonvic 

J.N. . . . 

John Parkhurst, 
Bishop of Norwich, 




Judith , ! 

) W, Cices- 
i" tren. 

W.C, (in some copies) 
at end of Wisdom 

William Barlow, 
Bishop of Cliichcs- 

Wisdom , . ) 


Isaiah . . i 


Robert Home. 

Jeremiah , . I R. \Vinton 
Lamentations . j 

R,W,ati*ml . J Bishop of Winches- 


Parkers Note. 

Indications in the 



\ J.Lich.and 
I Covent. 

T. C. L, at end 

Thomas Bentham, 
Bishop of Coventry 
and Lichfield. 

Minor Prophets . 

Ed. London . 

E, L. at end 

Edmund Grindal, 
Bishop of London, 


JM.Cant. . 

M. C. under first 

Matthew Parker. 



Edmund Scambler, 



I Ed. Peterb. 

Bishop of Peter- 



Acts . 

j R. Eliensis 

R. E. at end of both 

Richard Cox, Bishop 
of Ely. 

i Corinthians 

D. West- 

G. G. at end . 

Gabriel Goodman, 
Dean of Westmins- 

2 Corinthians . 


Galatians . 


M. C. under capitals 
beginning 2 Corinth., 

Colossians . 
Thessalonians . 
Timothy . 


.M.Cant. . 

Galatians (in some 
copies), Ephesians, 
i,2Thessal., Titus, 

Matthew Parker, 

J. JLLUo . . 

Philemon . 

Philemon, Hebrews 

Hebrews . 

Canonical Epis- 


H. L. under capitals 
beginning i Peter 

Bishop of Lincoln 


- N. Lincoln 

v, 2 Peter iii, i John 

(? completed by 



v, 3 John, Jude and 

Hugh Jones, Bishop 

Apocalypse xxii 

of Llandaff), 

It will be noticed that in the above list (the books 
in which are given in Parker's order, but with English 
instead of Latin names) there is no mention of the Psalms. 
These had originally been assigned to Guest, Bishop of 
Rochester, but the intention he expressed in a letter 
quoted by Strype of bringing his translation into violent i c. 
conformity with the New Testament quotations had 
apparently alarmed Parker, and the initials at the end 
of the book are T. B. These Strype interpreted as stand- 
ing for Thomas Becon, a prebendary of Canterbury, but 


a very unlikely man. Dr. Aldis Wright, in his revision 
of Westcott's General View of the History of the English 
Bible assigns them, no doubt rightly, to Thomas Bickley, 
one of Parker's chaplains, afterwards Bishop of Chiches- 
ter. The only other difficulty is as to the responsibility 
for the Canonical Epistles and the Apocalypse. Until 
Dr. Wright drew attention to them, the initials beneath 
the capitals in such seemingly haphazard positions had 
escaped notice. His conjecture that the revision was 
begun by the Bishop of Lincoln and completed by his 
brother of Llandaff meets the case, though it is strange 
that the first worker should have left so many of his 
books unfinished. 

Portioned out, as it was, among a number of individual 
revisers who, as far as we know, never checked each 
other's work, the Bishops' Bible, as it came to be 
called from the number of prelates who collaborated in 
it, while an improvement on the Great Bible, more 
especially in the New Testament, can hardly be regarded 
as much more than a makeshift. In form, on the other 
hand, it is a handsome book, 1 and Parker highly com- 
ii A mended Richard Jugge, the printer, to Cecil for the pains 
Hi c he had taken with it, even to the point of printing the 
New Testament on thicker paper to withstand the extra 
amount of wear it was likely to receive. The Bible is 
embellished with numerous woodcuts, and also with a fine 
engraved title-page, attributed to Franciscus Hogenberg, 
bearing in the centre a rather pleasing portrait of the 
Queen. Before the Book of Judges there is another 
engraved portrait, representing the Earl of Leicester, 
in whom the bishops apparently found some resemblance 
to Joshua, and at the beginning of the Psalms a third 

1 Messrs. Darlow and Moulc note that 27$. $d. was paid for a 
copy by St. John's College, Cambridge, in 1571. 


portrait, of Lord Burghley holding a B, which thus at 
once does duty for a capital and helps to identify its 
holder Punning capitals, of which this may claim to be 
one of the least pleasing, had been for some time in vogue, 
but in the second folio edition, published in 1572, the 
B was taken out of the plate and Burleigh divorced from 
his immediate connexion with the Psalter. A little 
further revision was bestowed on the New Testament in 
this reprint, and the Psalter is printed twice over, once 
as revised, and once in the text of the Great Bible, still 
familiar to all churchgoers as the ' Prayer-book version '. 

The struggle for supremacy between the Geneva and 
the Bishops' version leads so directly to the undertaking 
of that of 1611 that we must leave the discussion of it 
to our next chapter. Meanwhile there is still another 
translation to be noticed here. 

The years which followed the publication of the Bishops' The 
Bible witnessed a devoted attempt by the Jesuits to win 
back England to the faith. It appears to have been in Testa- 
connexion with this attempt that the New Testament ment 
was rendered into English by members of the English 
College at Douay early in their temporary exile to 
Rheims, which began in 1578. In a Latin letter written Lii. 
by Cardinal Allen to Dr. Vendeville, September 16 in 
that year, 1 we find this interesting passage, in a descrip- 
tion of the life of the college : 

On every Sunday and festival English sermons are preached 
by the more advanced students on the gospel, epistle or subject 
proper to the day. ... We preach in English, in order to acquire 

greater power and grace in the use of the vulgar tongue In 

this respect the heretics, however ignorant they may be in 

1 The text is given on pp. 52-67 of Letters and Memorials of 
William Cardinal Allen by T. F. Knox (1882) the translation on 
p. 3d. sq. of the First and Second Diaries of the English College at 
Douay by the same editor (1878). 


other points, have the advantage over many of the more 
learned Catholics, who having been educated in the universities 
and the schools do not commonly have at command the text 
of Scripture or quote it except in Latin. Hence when they are 
preaching to the unlearned and are obliged on the spur of the 
moment to translate some passage which they have quoted 
into the vulgar tongue, they often do it inaccurately and with 
unpleasant hesitation, because either there is no English 
version of the words or it does not then and there occur to them. 
Our adversaries on the other hand have at their fingers' ends 
all those passages of Scripture which seem to make for them 
and by a certain deceptive adaptation and alteration of the 
sacred words produce the effect of appearing to say nothing 
but what comes from the bible. This evil might be remedied 
if we too had some catholic version of the bible, for all the 
English versions are most corrupt. I do not know what kind 
you have in Belgium. But certainly we on our part, if his 
Holiness shall think proper, will undertake to produce a faith- 
ful, pure and genuine version of the bible in accordance with 
the edition approved by the Church, for we already have men 
most fitted for the work. 

The man of all others most fitted for the work in 
Allen's eyes was Gregory Martin, one of the original 
scholars (1557) of St. John's College, Oxford, when 
Edmund Campion was a Fellow, now, in 1578, lecturer in 
Hebrew and Holy Scripture at the Douay-Rheims 
College. According to the entry in the College Diaries 
he began to translate the Bible on or about October 16 
(i. e. just a month after Allen's letter), and in order to 
get on with it rapidly, made a practice of translating 
two chapters daily, his version being corrected by Allen 
himself and by Richard Bristow, Moderator of the 
College. His work occupied him altogether three years 
and a half, the entry, ' Hoc ipso mense extrema 
manus Nouo Testamento Anglice edito imposita est ' 
occurring in the Diary under March, 1582, and in the 
same year the New Testament was published with the 
title : 


The New Testament of lesus Christ, translated faithfully 
into English, out of the authentical Latin, according to the 
best corrected copies of the same, diligently conferred with the 
Greeke and other editions in diuers languages : With Argu- 
ments of bookes and chapters, Annotations, and other necessarie 
helpes, for the better vnderstanding of the text, and specially 
for the discouerie of the corruptions of diuers late translations, 
and for cleering the controuersies in religion of these daies : in the 
English College of Rhemes. [Quotations 1 in Latin and English]. 
Printed at Rhemes by lohn Fogny. 1582. Cum priuilegio. 

On the back of the title is ' The Censure and Appro- 
bation ' signed by four licensers, and this is followed by 
twenty-two pages of small print containing ' The Preface 
to the Reader treating of these three points : of the trans- 
lation of Holy Scriptures into the vulgar tongues, and 
namely into English ; of the causes why this new Testa- 
ment is translated according to the auncient vulgar Latin 
text : & of the maner of translating the same.' Quotations liv. 
from this interesting preface will be found in our Records ; 
here it may be well to remind any reader struck with 
the superficial absurdity of translating from a translation 
instead of an original, that if St. Jerome worked from 
better Greek manuscripts than any which were known 
in the sixteenth century, his Latin translation might, at 
least theoretically, represent the original Greek better 
than any manuscript used by Erasmus. Practically, 
of course, the question would be one of the balance 
between loss and gain, and in striking this balance 

1 The first from Psalm 118 ' Give me vnderstanding, and I wil 
searche thy law, and wil keepe it with my whole hart ', the second 
from St. Augustine, tract 2, on the Epistles of St. John ' al things 
that are readde in holy Scriptures we must heare with great 
attention, to our instruction and saluation : but those things 
specially must be commended to memorie, which make most 
against Heretikes : whose deceites cease not to circumuent and 
beguile al the weaker sort and the more negligent persons.' 



Gregory Martin, or whoever wrote the preface, was 
probably very insufficiently conscious that if the available 
Greek texts were corrupt the available Latin texts were 
very corrupt also, and far from representing what 
St. Jerome really wrote. Thus from the point of view 
of scholarship the decision to translate from the Vulgate 
was doubtless wrong, but it was not absurd, and there 
is ample evidence that Martin and his supervisors were 
good Graecists, and on any point, such as the use of 
the article, on which they felt free to interpret the Latin 
by the Greek, did so with conspicuous success. 

Another point which must be made is that the transla- 
tion is much simpler than popular accounts of it make 
out. It is quite true that the translators acted up to their 
declaration, ' we presume not in hard places to mollifie 
the speaches or phrases, but religiously keepe them word 
for word, and point for point, for feare of missing or 
restraining the sense of the holy Ghost to our phantasie,' 
and it is possible to quote verses, especially from the 
Epistles, which remain utterly unintelligible until we 
know the original. In this the translators seem to have 
forgotten the needs of popular preaching which Cardinal 
Allen made the main ground for setting Gregory Martin 
to work. But ' hard places ' do not occur on every page 
of the New Testament, and it is easy to find long passages 
in the Gospels without a difficult word in them, and which 
a good reader could make all the more dramatic because 
of the abruptness of some of the constructions and 

The Jesuit New Testament was reprinted at Antwerp 

in 1600. In 1593 the College returned from Rheims to 

Douai, and in 1609-10, a press having been set up in the 

town, the Old Testament was printed there. This had 

liv. been mentioned in the Introduction of 1582 as l lying 


by us for lacke of good meanes to publish the whole in 
such sort as a worke of so great charge and importance 
requireth ', and it was doubtless the news of the forth- 
coming new Anglican version which at last brought it to 
the light. No use was made of the Old Testament by 
the Anglican revisers, but in his excellent study, The 
Part of Rheims in the making of the English Bible (1902), 
Dr. James G. Carleton has shown that the influence of 
the Rheims New Testament on the version of 1611 was 
very considerable. That it attained this influence was 
mainly due to the exertions of the Rev. William Fulke, 
D.D., who in 1589 published 'The Text of the New 
Testament of lesus Christ, translated out of the vulgar 
Latine by the Papists of the traiterous Seminarie at 
Rhemes ', and very honestly reprinted the whole trans- 
lation with its notes, parallel with the Bishops 1 version 
and alternated with his own confutations. Fulke's folio 
(reprinted in 1601, 1617, and 1633) was regarded for 
over forty years as a standard work on the Protestant 
side, and probably every reviser of the New Testament 
for the edition of 1611 possessed it. Along with Tyndale, 
Coverdale, Whittingham, and Parker, the exiled Jesuit, 
Gregory Martin, must be thus recognized as one of the 
builders of the version of the Bible which after three 
centuries is still in scarcely disturbed possession of the 
affections of the English people. 


IN his letter of October 5, 1568, to Cecil, forwarding 
a copy of the Bishop's Bible for presentation to the 
Queen, Archbishop Parker writes with obvious timidity : 
' The printer hath honestly done his diligence ; if your lii. 


honour would obtain of the Queen's Highness that this 
edition might be licensed and only 1 commended in 
public reading in churches, to draw to one uniformity, 
it were no great cost to the most parishes, and a relief 
to him for his great charges sustained. 1 That the adop- 
tion of the new version for use in churches should thus 
be urged mainly on the ground of an obligation to recoup 
the printer is certainly strange, but the very half -hearted 
canons on the subject passed by the Province of Canter- 
bury in 1571 show that there was not much enthusiasm 
to be reckoned on. The passage usually quoted (Cardwell, 
Synodalia, 115) is indeed almost malicious, since it 
merely lays down that every archbishop and bishop is 
to have the book (' sacra Biblia in amplissimo volumine, 
uti nuperrime Londini excusa sunt ') in his own house 
along with Fox's Book of Martyrs and other similar works, 
and that deans were to see that it was bought and placed 
in their cathedrals in order that vicars, minor canons, 
the servants of the church, strangers, and wayfarers 
might read and hear it, and were also to buy it for their 
own households, i. e. the chief obligation imposed was 
on the bishops and other c superior clergy ' to buy their 
own revision. In a later canon (Cardwell, Synodalia, 123) 
churchwardens are enjoined to see that a copy of the 
new edition is placed in every church, 2 but the proviso, 
1 if it can be done conveniently,' is in striking contrast 
with the royal order to provide a copy by a certain day 
under penalty of a fine of four times its cost for every 
month of delay, which had been issued by Proclamation 
in the case of the Great Bible. 

1 i. e. to the exclusion of any other. 

2 ' Curabunt ctiam ut sacra Biblia sint in singulis ecclesiis in 
amplissimo volumine (si commode fieri possit) qualia nunc nuper 
Londini excusa sunt.' 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 39 

With little backing, either from the State or from his 
own Convocation, Parker was left to deal with the 
question of the circulation of the Bible by means of his 
own resources, and these, it must be remembered, owing 
to the duties cast on him in connexion with the licensing 
of books for the press, were, for any negative purpose, 
very great. In March 1565 (? 1566) he and Grindal, who 
as Bishop of London shared these duties, had recom- 
mended Cecil to extend John Bodley's exclusive privilege xhx 
for printing the Geneva Bible for another twelve years 
on the ground that ' thoughe one other speciall Bible 
for the churches be meant by us to be set forthe, as 
convenient time and leysor hereafter will permytte : yet 
shall it nothing hindre, but rather do moch good to have 
diversitie of transla&ons and readinges'. They had 
added, however, ' and if his licence, hereafter to be made, 
goe simplye foorthe withowt proviso of owr oversight, 
as we thinke it maye so passe well ynoughe, yet shall we 
take suche ordre in writing withe the partie, that no 
impression shall passe but by our direction, consent and 
advise.' In the face of this last sentence it is highly 
significant that during Parker's life no edition of the 
Geneva Bible was printed in England, although at 
Geneva itself one was published by John Crispin in 1570. 
At variance with the Privy Council over the question 
of ' prophesyings ' during 1574, Parker was unable during 
the last months of his life to attend its meeting owing 
to his rapidly failing health. He died on May 17, 1575, 
and the first Geneva New Testament printed in London 
is dated in this year without specifying the month ; we 
have, however, documentary evidence that Parker was 
dead before its publication, and there are excellent reasons 
for placing this in the latter half of the year. It is 
impossible, therefore, to avoid the conviction that to the 


very end of his life Parker used his control over the 
Stationers' Company to prevent the Geneva version being 
printed in England, and also to secure for Jugge the 
monopoly of printing the Bishops' Bible. 

According to the ideas of the day the exclusion of the 
Geneva Bible was perhaps justified by the character of 
a few of the notes. The monopoly secured for Jugge 
might also have been defended from the Tudor stand- 
point, if it had been accompanied by an insistence that 
the Bishops' version should be effectively circulated ; 
but, as far as the evidence before us shows, there was 
no such insistence. Editions in large folio were printed 
in 1568, 1572, and 1574 ; others in large quarto in 1569 
and 1573. Evidence as to editions in octavo, either of 
the whole Bible or of the New Testament, is much less 
exact, owing on the one hand to the curious absence of 
dates from the two or three editions probably of this 
period of which copies remain, and on the other to the 
possibility of one or more entire editions having perished. 
But taking the most favourable view possible, it seems 
certain that the Archbishop cared little for providing 
Bibles for private reading. He saw and met the need 
of suitable editions for the service of the church, but to 
use a phrase which, though it has a ring of these present 
times, is taken from the preface to the version of 1611 
(where it is applied to the Roman Catholic position) he did 
not ' trust the people ' with cheap editions of the Bible, 
and his lack of confidence sealed the fate of the Bishops 1 

Immediately after the death of Archbishop Parker, 

the other printers of London, who had previously 

acquiesced in Jugge's monopoly of Bible-printing, took 

courage to urge their right to share it. A compromise was 

ivi. A. patched up by which Jugge was left with the exclusive 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 41 

right of printing editions of the Bible in quarto, and of the 
New Testament in sextodecimo, while the other sizes 
were left free, subject (presumably to secure responsi- Ivi. B. 
bility for accuracy) to a licence from the Stationers' 
Company. Licences were obtained, and on November 24, 
1575. there appeared a folio edition of the Bishops' 
Bible, printed by Jugge, but on behalf of William Norton, 
Luke Harrison, and other stationers, each of whom put 
his name on a portion of the edition . This was apparently 
the beginning of the ' Bible Stock ' of the Stationers' 
Company, a company within a company, the subsequent 
history of which is very obscure, but which is said to 
have earnt profits and possessed funds which enabled it, 
on occasion, to lend money at interest to the Stationers' 
Company itself. If, as is usually said, the revisers of 
1611 received any payment from the Company, it must 
have been from this separate Bible Stock that it was 
derived. The existence of this Stock also offers a strong 
ground for believing that the compromise of 1575 con- 
tinued to affect the business of Bible-printing in ways 
of which we have no knowledge. But for this we should 
be bound to believe that it had no other result than 
the folio edition of the Bishops 3 Bible already mentioned. 
In this same year, 1575, under the powerful patronage Ivi. c. 
of Sir Francis Walsingham, Christopher Barker, who had 
been in Walsingham's service, and was himself a man , 
of some means, employed Thomas Vautrollier to print 
for him an edition in duodecimo of the Geneva Bible, 
hitherto unprinted in England, and printed another 
edition himself in octavo. Barker advertised his con- 
nexion with Walsingham by taking the latter's crest, 
a tiger's head, as the sign of his house, and used a cut 
of it as an ornament in his books. He also printed in 
1576 the already mentioned translation of Beza's French 


New Testament, on the basis of the Geneva version, 
made by Laurence Tomson, who was in Walsingham's 
service. He further printed two folio editions of the 
Geneva Bible in 1576 and another in 1577. In that year 
Richard Jugge made his will, on August 17 and 18, and 
died, From subsequent allusions we know that his 
patent as Queen's printer must immediately have been 
obtained (if the reversion had not already been secured) 
by Thomas Wilkes, a diplomatist of some ability. The 
new patent extended to all editions of the Bible, and 
Wilkes must have tried at first to work it through John 
Jugge, the son of Richard, since John, who had begun 
business for himself the previous May by copyrighting 
two insignificant books, is actually called Queen's Printer 
about this time in a largely signed petition against 
monopolies. He disappears, however, possibly by death, 
possibly because Wilkes learnt that he was receiving 
under his father's will the inconsiderable sum of ios., 
and was thus not a person to be dealt with. On Sep- 
tember 2,8, at Wilkes's instance, a new patent conferring 
. c. complete monopoly of Bible-printing was granted to 
Christopher Barker. Five years later, in 1582, when 
monopolies were again challenged, Barker wrote as 
follows : 

The whole bible together rcquireth so great somme of a 
money to be employed in the imprinting thereof : as Master 
lugge kept the Realme twelue yere withoutc, before he Durst 
aduenture to print one * impression 1 ; but I considering the 
great somme I paide to Master Wilkes, Did (as some haue 
termed it since) gyue a Desperate aduenture to imprint fower 
sundry impressions for all ages, wherein I employed to the 
value of three thowsande pounde in the terme of one yere and 
an halfe, or thereaboute : in which tyme if I had died, my wife 
and cliiidren had ben vtterlie vndone, and many of my frendes 

1 This must refer to the period before 1568. 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 43 

greathe hindered by disbursing round sommes of money for 
me, by suertismp and other meanes : as my late good master 
Master Secretary for one, so that nowe this gappe being 
stopped, I haue little or nothing to doe, but aduenture a need- 
lesse charge ; to keepe many Journemen in worke, most of 
them seruauntes to my predicessours. 

The ' fewer sundry impressions ' to which Barker here 
alludes, comprised a small folio and octavo in 1577, and 
two large folios in 1578. One of the large folios was of the 
Bishops' version but of this we find him writing to the 
City Companies as 'another Bible, which was begonlviii. 
before I had authoritie, as it is affirmed, which could not 
be finished but by my consent and therefore hath the 
name to be printed by the assignement of Christopher 
Barker '. All the other three impressions were of the 
Geneva version, and the large folio is a very notable 
volume since it was clearly intended for use in churches 
and was accompanied by a prayer-book in which the 
word ' minister ' was throughout substituted for ' priest ', 
and references to the books from which they come 
printed instead of the text of the Gospels and Epistles. 
All this surely shows that, despite the suspension of 
Grindal, the extremer Protestant party were very strong, 
and that behind these printing ventures, for which 
Walsingham helped to find money, there was something 
more than ordinary trading. Numerous other editions 
of the Geneva version were printed during the next five 
years, but I can find no single Bishops' Bible to balance 
them. When, however, Whitgift succeeded Grindal as 
Archbishop, Barker was awakened from his dream that 
the ' gappe ' was stopped, and ordered to put in hand 
a smaller and larger edition of the Bishops' Bible, as to 
which when they were both ready (the quarto in 1584, the 
folio in 1585), and apparently had not sold very quickly, 
Whitgift wrote (July 16, 1587) to the Bishop of Lincoln : 


Whereas I am credibly informed that divers, as well parish 
churches, as chapels of ease, are not sufficiently furnished with 
Bibles, but some have either none at all, or such as be torn and 
defaced, and yet not of the translation authorized by the 
synods of bishops : these are therefore to require you strictly 
in your visitations, or otherwise, to see that all and every the 
said churches and chapels in your diocese be provided of one 
Bible, or more, at your discretion, of the translation allowed as 
aforesaid, and one book of Common Prayer, as by the laws of 
this realm is appointed. And lor the performance thereof, 
I have caused her highness 's printer to imprint two volumes of 
the said translation of the Bible aforesaid, a bigger and a less, 
the largest for such parishes as are of ability, and the lesser for 
chapels and very small parishes ; both which are now extant 
and ready 

One other folio of the Bishops' Bible was printed by 
Christopher Barker himself in 1588. In August 1589 
he secured a fresh patent from the queen for his own 
life and that of his son Robert, and thenceforth entrusted 
his Bible-printing to deputies, until his death in 1599. 
During the fourteen years 1589-1603 three more folio 
editions of the Bishops' Bible appeared, no quarto, and 
three or lour octavos. Against this, during the entire 
period from 1575 onwards, on an average three editions 
of the Geneva version were produced each year, the 
majority of them in small sizes for private reading. 
How far this superiority was the result of demand, how 
far it was produced by a control of the supply, is a ques- 
tion which, difficult as it is to answer, deserves more 
attention than it has received. It is clear, on the one 
hand, that during Parker's life the circulation of the 
Geneva version was artificially barred, and nothing was 
done to popularize its rival. It is clear, I think, also, 
that from the death of Parker to the appointment of 
Whitgift, the positions were reversed, and that in these 
eight years the Geneva version, which was not only 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 45 

favoured, but pushed, by the aid of Walsingham and his 
friends, with a zeal in which politics, religion, and desire 
or gain (closely allied in those days) were all combined, 
was put on the market in such quantities as to give it 
a real hold on the English people. After Whitgift's 
accession it is possible that, as the scales were more 
evenly held, the editions of each version came gradually 
to be issued mainly in accordance with the demand, 
although until nearly the end of the century the rarity 
of octavo editions of the Bishops 1 version is very notice- 
able. But taking the period as a whole it is obvious 
that other influences than those of publishers merely 
anxious to make money were contending over the 
fortunes of the two versions, and that the short-sighted 
policy of Parker gave Walsingham and his friends 
a chance of which they availed themselves to the full. 
Interpret the evidence as we may, the fact must steadily 
be borne in mind that throughout the reign of Elizabeth, 
the production of editions of the Bible was always 
a controlled production, and when we come to consider 
the fortunes of the version of 1611 it will be well to 
remember that the control still went on. 

The lack of agreement between the Bible which men 
read in their houses and that which they heard in church 
must have caused annoyance to both parties. It is 
creditable to the scholarship, and perhaps also to the 
foresight, of the Puritan party, that at the Conference 
at Hampton Court, which James I called together 
(quite informally) in January 1604 to ascertain how far 
the Puritan complaints could be met, the demand for 
a new translation, which would command the assent 
of the whole church, came from their spokesman, 
Dr. John Reynolds, President of Corpus Christi College, 
Oxford. According to the fullest account of the Con- 


ference which has come down to us, Reynolds began by 
raising questions about the Catechism, &c. 

After that, he moued his Maiestie, that there might bee a 
newe translation of the Bible, because, those which were allowed 
in the raignes of Henrie the eight, and Edward the sixt, were 
corrupt and not aunswerable to the truth of the Origmall. 
For example, first, Galathians, 4, 25, the Greeke word ovaroi\(T 
is not well translated, as nowe it is, Bordreth, neither expressing 
the force of the worde, nor the Apostles sense, nor the situation 
of the place. 

Secondly, Psalme, 105, 28, they were not obedient ; the Origi- 
nall beeing, They were not disobedient. 

Thirdly, Psalme , 106, verse 30. Then stood up Phinces 
and prayed, the Hebrew hath Executed judgement. To which 
motion, there was, at the present, no gainsaying, the obiections 
beeing trmiall and old, and alreadie, in print, often aunswerecl ; 
onely, my Lord of London well added, that if euery mans humour 
should be followed, there would be no ende of translating. 
Whereupon his Highnesse wished that some especiall paines 
should be taken in that behalfe lor one vniforme translation 
(professing that hee could neuer yet, see a Bible well translated 
in English ; but the worst of all, his Maieslie thought the 
Geneua to bee) and this to bee done by the best learned in 
both the Vniuersities, after them to be retiiewed by the Bishops, 
and the chief e learned of the Church ; from them to bee 
presented to the Priitie-CounceU ; and lastly to bee ratified by 
his Royall authontic ; and so this whole Church to be bound 
vnto it, and none other ; Marry, withall, hce gaue this can eat 
(vpon a word cast out by my Lord of London) that no marginall 
notes should be added, hauing found in them which arc annexed 
to the Geneua translation (which he sawe in a Bible giuen him 
by an English Lady) some notes very partiall, vntruc, seditious, 
and sauourmg too much of daungerous, and traytcrous con- 
ceites. As for example, Exod. i, 19, where the marginal note 
alloweth disobedience to Kings. And 2. Chron. 15, 16, the note 
taxeth Asa for deposing his mother, onely, and not killing her : 
And so concludeth this point, as all the rest with a grauc and 
iudicious aduise. First, that errours in matters of faith might 
bee rectified and amended. Secondly, that matters indifferent 
might rather be interrupted and a glosse added ; alleaging 
from Bartolus de regno, that as better a King with some wcak- 
nessc, then still a chaunge ; so rather, a Church with some 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 47 

faultes, then an Innovation. And surely, sayth his Maiestie, 
if these bee the greatest matters you be grieued with, I neede 
not haue beene troubled with such importunities and com- 
plaintes, as haue beene made vnto me ; some other more 
priuate course might haue bene taken for your satisfaction, 
and withall looking vppon the Lords, he shooke his head, 
smiling. 1 

It is evident from every page in the narrative that the 
writer of it, William Barlow, had no love for the Puritans, 
and that his report is highly prejudiced. We cannot, 
therefore, feel sure that Reynolds ignored the Bishops' 
Bible by referring only to the versions allowed in the 
reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI, in the rather 
insulting way that the text represents. The renderings 
to which he objected are found also in the Bishops 1 
Bible, and if Reynolds passed over this, either as a mere 
reprint, or as not formally ' allowed ' (i. e. approved), 
he was needlessly provocative. But the genuine interest 
which the king at once took in the proposal swept away 
any difficulty which might have been raised by its form. 
Nor was that interest transient. The Dean of West- 
minster and the Regius Professors of Hebrew at the 
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge must have been 
instructed with little delay to suggest the names of 
revisers, and by June 30 Bancroft, Bishop of London, 

1 ' The Summe and Substance of the Conference, which it 
pleased his Excellent Maiestie to haue with the Lords, Bishops 
and other of his Clergie, (at which the most of the Lordes of the 
Councell were present) in his Maiesties Priuy-Chamber, at 
Hampton Court, lanuary 14, 1603. Contracted by William 
Barlow, Doctor of Diuinity, and Deane of Chester. Whereunto 
are added, some Copies, (scattered abroad), vnsauory, and vntrue. 
London, Printed by lohn Windet, for Matthew Law and are to 
be sold at his shop in Paules Churchyeard, neare S. Austens Gate. 
1604.' It should be noted that a different turn is given to the 
Puritan complaint in the preface to the 1611 Bible. 


with whom (in the vacancy of the see of Canterbury) 
the King communicated, was able to write : 

His Majesty being made acquainted with the choice of all 
them to be employed in the translating of the Bible, in such 
sort as Mr. Lively can inform you, doth greatly approve of the 
said choice. And for as much as his Highness is very anxious 
that the same so religious a work should admit of no delay, he 
has commanded me to signify unto you in his name that his 
pleasure is, you should with all possible speed meet together 
in your University and begin the same. 

The Mr. Lively here named was the Professor of Hebrew 
at Cambridge, and must have specially attracted the 
notice of the king, by whom he was presented to the 
rectory of Purleigh, Essex, in September 1604. His 
death the following May was a great blow to the work. 
The interest taken by James is further shown by a 
circular sent out by Bancroft to the other Bishops on 
July 31 enclosing a letter from the king of the 22nd, 
lx. A. stating that he had appointed ' certain learned men to 
the number of four and fifty l for the translating of the 
Bible, and that in this number divers of them have either 
no ecclesiastical preferment at all, or else so very small, 
as the same is far unmeet for men of their deserts ', The 
king himself being unable to remedy this ' in any con- 
venient time ', enjoins all patrons of parsonages or 
prebends, of the value of twenty pounds at least, to 
certify him of the next vacancy in order that he may 
commend to them ' some such of the learned men as we 
shall think fit to be preferred unto it '. In another 
. circular of the same date Bancroft asks each bishop ' not 
only to think yourself what is meet for you to give for 
this purpose, but likewise to acquaint your dean and 

1 Only about fifty names in all have come down to us, and 
only forty-seven in any one list. It may have been intended at 
first that there should be nine revisers on each board. 



chapter ' that they might subscribe also. The response 
to the first of these circulars seems to have been very 
slight ; that to the second nil. 

Of the lists of the translators which have come down 
to us, the most trustworthy is that printed by Bishop 
Burnet in his History of the Reformation* which is here 
given together with the Rules by which the revisers were 
to be guided, and brief biographical notes, based on those 
by Cardwell, supplemented from the Dictionary of 
National Biography and other sources : 

An Order set down for the Translating of the Bible, by 
King James, 

The Places and Persons agreed upon for the Hebrew, with 
the particular Books by them undertaken. 

Mr. Dean of Westminster 
Mr. Dean of Paul's 
Mr. Doctor Saravia 
Mr. Doctor Clark 
Mr. Doctor Leifield 
Mr. Doctor Teigh 
Mr. Burleigh 
Mr. King 
Mr. Thompson 
Mr. Beadwell 

The Story from Joshua 
to the first Book of 
Chronicles, exclusive. 

Mr. Dean of Westminster : Lancelot Andrewes, made Bishop of 

Chichester in 1605. 
Mr. Dean of Pauls : John Overall, made Bishop of Coventry, 


1 The History of the Reformation of the Church of England. By 
Gilbert Burnett. The Fourth Edition, with Additions, &c. 
London, 1715. Part II. A Collection of Records, p. 333 sqq. 
The document has the side-note ' Ex MS. D. Borlase ', i. e. Ed- 
mund Borlase, the physician and historian. There are several 
similar lists in MS. in the British Museum 9 with unimportant 
variants. One of these (Add. 34218) is dated 'Anno secundi 
regis lacobi 1604 '> a d there is no doubt that the lists refer to 
that year, although Cardwell, from a mistake as to the date of 
Barlow being made Dean of Chester, thought otherwise. 



Mr. Lively 
Mr. Richardson 
Mr. Chatter-ton 
Mr. Dillingham 
Mr. Harrison 
Mr. Andrews 
Mr. Spalding 
Mr. Binge 

Doctor Harding 
Dr. Reynolds 
Dr. Holland 
Dr. Kilbye 
Mr. Smith 
Mr. Brett 
Mr. Fair do ugh 

Doctor Dewport 

Dr. Branthwait 

Dr. Radchfe 

Mr. Wanfe, Eman. 

Mr. Downs 
I Mr. 

From the First of the 
Chronicles, with the 
rest of the Story, and 
the Hagiographi, viz. 
/06, Psalms, Pro- 
verbs, Canticles, Ec- 

The four, or greater 
Prophets, with the 

- Lamentations, and 
the twelve lesser 

The Prayer of Ma- 

Masses and the rest 

of the Apocrypha. 

MY. Dr. Saravia : born at Hesdin in Artois in 1531, Professor of 

Divinity at Leyden, 1582 ; Rector of Tattenhill, Staffs, 1588 ; 

Prebendary of Canterbury and Vicar of Lewisham, 1595 ; 

Prebendary of Worcester and Westminster, 1601 ; died, 1612. 
Mr. Dr. Clark : Dr. Richard Clark, Fellow of Christ's College, 

Mr. Dr. Leifield : Dr. John Layfield, Fellow of Trinity College 

Cambridge (resigned 1603), Rector of St. Clement Danes 

London, 1601. 
Mr. Dr. Teigh : Robert Tighe, Vicar of All Hallows, Barking, and 

Archdeacon of Middlesex. 
Mr. Burleigh, probably the Dr. Francis Burley, who was one of 

the first Fellows of Chelsea College. 
Mr. King : Geoffrey King, Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, 

and Regius Professor of Hebrew (1607-8) in succession to 

Mr. Thompson : Richard Tomsoii, of Clare Hall, Cambridge, 

B.D. 1593- 
Mr. Beadwett : William Bedwell, Arabic Scholar, Rector of St. 

Ethelburga's, Bishopsgate Street, 1601. 
Mr. Lively : Edward Lively, appointed Regius Professor of 

Hebrew at Cambridge, 1580 ; presented by the king to the 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 51 

rectory of Purleigh, Essex, September 20, 1604 ; died, 
May 1605. 
My. Richardson : Dr. John Richardson, Fellow of Emmanuel 

College, Regius Professor of Divinity, 1607 ; Master of 

Peterhouse, 1609-15 ; then of Trinity. 
Mr. Chatterton : Laurence Chaderton, Master of Emmanuel 

College, 1 5 84-1622. Took part as a Puritan in the Hampton 

Court Conference. 
Mr. Dillingham : Francis Dillingham, Fellow of Christ's, author 

of numerous books, 1599-1609 (or later) ; Incumbent of 

Wilden, Beds. 
Mr. Harrison : Thomas Harrison, a noted Hebraist, Vice-Master 

of Trinity College, Cambridge. 
Mr. Andrews : Roger Andrewes, brother of Lancelot, Fellow of 

Pembroke, Master of Jesus College, Cambridge. 
Mr. Spalding : Robert Spalding, Fellow of St. John's College, 

Cambridge, Regius Professor of Hebrew in succession to 

Lively (1605-7). 

Mr. Binge : Andrew Byng, Regius Professor of Hebrew at Cam- 
bridge in succession to King, 1608. 'About 1605 we find 

a decree of the Chapter of York to keep a residentiary's place 

for him.' [D.N.B.] 
Dr. Harding : John Harding, Regius Professor of Hebrew (i 591-8, 

1604-10) and President of Magdalen College, Oxford. 
Dr. Reynolds : John Reynolds or Ramolds, President of Corpus 

Christi College, Oxford, from 1598. Died, 1607, 
Dr. Holland : Thomas Holland, Regius Professor Divinity, 1589 ; 

Rector of Exeter College, 1592. Died, 1612. 
Dr. KiJbye : Richard Kilbye, Rector of Lincoln College, 1590 ; 

Regius Professor of Hebrew, 1610-21. 
Mr. Smith : Miles Smith, of Brasenose, Prebendary of Hereford 

and Exeter Cathedrals, a noted Orientalist, one of the two 

final revisers of the version of 1611, and the writer of the 

preface ; made Bishop of Gloucester, 1612. 
Mr. Brett : Richard Brett, Fellow of Lincoln College, Rector of 

Quainton, Bucks, 1595. 
Mr. Fairchugh : Richard Fairclough, Fellow of New College, 

Rector of Bucknell, Oxford, 1593. 
Dr. Dewport : John Duport, Master of Jesus College, Cambridge, 

1590 ; Prebendary of Ely, 1609. 
Dr. Branthwait : William Branthwait, Fellow of Emmanuel 

College, 1584 ; Master of Gonville and Caius, 1607. 


The Places and Persons agreed upon for the Greek, with the 
particular Boohs by them undertaken. 

Mr. Dean of Christchurch 

Mr. Dean of Winchester 

Mr. Dean of Worcester 
- r . Mr. Dean of Windsor 

OPrfori. iMr.Swrifc 

Dr. Perne 

Dr. Ravens 

Mr. Harmer 

The four Gospels. 
of the Apostles. Apo 

Dean of Ckestev 

Dr. Hutchinson 

Dr. Spencer 

Mr. - 


Mr. Sanderson 

Mr. Dakins 

The Epistles of St. 
Paul The Canonical 

Dr. Radcliffe : Jeremiah Radcliffe, Fellow of Trinity College, 

Mr. Warde: Samuel Ward, Fellow of Sidney Sussex, 1599; 

master, 1610; King's Chaplain, 1611. 
Mr. Downs : Andrew Downes, Fellow of St. John's College, 

Cambridge, 1581 ; Regius Professor of Greek, 1585-1624. 
Mr. Boyes : John Boys, Fellow of Clare Hall, 1593; Dean of 

Canterbury, 1619. 
Mr. Dean of Chnstchurch : Thomas Ravis, Dean of Christ Church, 

1596 ; Bishop of Gloucester, 1605 ; Bishop of London, 1607 ; 

died, 1609. 
Mr. Dean of Winchester : George Abbot, Master of University 

College, 1597 ; Dean of Winchester, 1600 ; Bishop of Coven* 

try and Lichfield, 1609 J o* London, 1610 ; Archbishop of 

Canterbury, 1611. 
Mr. Dean of Worcester : Richard Edes, Dean of Worcester, 1597 ; 

Chaplain to James I. ; died, November 19, 1604. Edes was 

succeeded by James Montague, afterwards (1608) Bishop of 

Bath and Wells, &c. Fuller is the authority for identifying 

Edes as the (intended) reviser. 
Mr. Dean of Windsor : Giles Thompson, or Tomson, Fellow of 

All Souls, Bishop of Gloucester, 1611 ; died, 1613. 
Mr. Savile : Sir Henry Savile, Warden of Merton, 1585-1622 ; 

Provost of Eton, 1596; knighted, 1604; edited works of 

Chrysostom, 1610-13. 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 53 

Dr. Perne : John Perin, Fellow of St. John's, Oxford ; Regius 
Professor of Greek, 1597-1615 ; Canon of Christ Church, 
November 24, 1604. 

Dr. Ravens : apparently an error. See below. 

Mr. Harmer : John Harmer, Fellow of New College, 1582; 
Regius Professor of Greek, 1585 ; Head Master of Winches- 
ter, 1588 ; Warden of St. Mary's College, 1596 ; died, 1613. 

Dean of Chester : William Barlow, Fellow of Trinity Hall, Dean, 
1602 ; Bishop of Rochester, 1605 ; died, 1613. 

Dr. Hutchinson : Ralph Hutchinson, President of St. John's 
College, Oxford. 

Dr. Spencer : John Spenser, Editor of Hooker, 1604 J President 
o Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 1607. 

Mr. Fenton : Roger Fenton, Fellow of Pembroke Hall, Cam- 
bridge, Vicar of Chigwell, 1606 ; Prebendary of St. Paul's, 

Mr. Rabbett : Michael Rabbett, Rector of St. Vedast Foster, 1603. 

Mr. Sanderson : Thomas Sanderson, Rector of All Hallows the 
Great, Thames Street, 1603 > Archdeacon of Rochester, 1606. 

Mr. Dakins : William Dakins, Fellow of Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge, Professor of Divinity, Gresham College, London, 1604; 
died in 1607. 
In other lists the name of J. Aglionby, Principal of St. Edmund 

Hall, is substituted for that of the Dean of Worcester, and that 

of L. Hutten, Canon of Christ Church, for the mysterious Dr. 

Ravens. The choice of the revisers seems to have been deter- 
mined solely by their fitness, and both parties in the Church were 

represented by some of their best men. 

The Rules to be observed %n the Translation of the Bible. 

1. THE ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly called 
the Bishops Bible, to be followed, and as little altered as the 
Truth of the original will permit. 

2. The Names of the Prophets, and the Holy Writers, with 
the other Names of the Text, to be retained, as nigh as may be, 
accordingly as they were vulgarly used. 

3. The old Ecclesiastical Words to be kept, viz. the Word 
Church not to be translated Congregation &c. 

4. When a Word hath divers Significations, that to be kept 
which hath been most commonly used by the most of the 
Ancient Fathers, being agreeable to the Propriety of the Place 
and the Analogy of the Faith. 


5. The Division of the Chapters to be altered, either not at 
all, or as little as may be, if Necessity so require. 

6. No Marginal Notes at all to be affixed, but only for the 
Explanation of the Hebrew or Greek Words, which cannot 
without some circumlocution, so briefly and fitly be expressed 
in the Text. 

7. Such Quotations of Places to be marginally set down as 
shall serve for the fit Reference of one Scripture to another. 

8. Every particular Man of each Company, to take the same 
Chapter, or Chapters, and having translated or amended them 
severally by himself, where he thinketh good, all to meet 
together, confer what they have done, and agree for their Parts 
what shall stand. 

9. As any one Company hath dispatched any one Book in 
this Manner they shall send it to the rest, to be consider 'd of 
seriously and judiciously, for His Majesty is very careful in 
this Point. 

10. If any Company, upon the Review of the Book so sent, 
doubt or differ upon any Place, to send them Word thereof ; 
note the Place, and withal send the Reasons, to which if they 
consent not, the Difference to be compounded at the General 
Meeting, which is to be of the chief Persons of each Company, 
at the end of the Work. 

11. When any Place of special Obscurity is doubted of 
Letters to be directed, by Authority, to send to any Learned 
Man in the Land, for his Judgement of such a Place. 

12. Letters to be sent from every Bishop to the rest of his 
Clergy, admonishing them of this Translation in hand ; and to 
move and charge as many as being skilful in the Tongues ; and 
having taken Pains in that kind, to send his particular Obser- 
vations to the Company, either at Westminster, Cambridge or 

13. The Directors in each Company, to be the Deans of West- 
minster and Chester for that Place ; and the King's Professors 
in the Hebrew or Greek in either University. 


14. These translations to be used when they Matthews. 
agree better with the Text than the Bishops^, Coverdale's. 
Bible. Whitchvrch's. 


15. Besides the said Directors before mentioned, three or 
four of the most Ancient and Grave Divines, in either of the 
Universities, not employed in Translating, to be assigned by 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 55 

the Vice-Chancellor, upon Conference with the rest of the 
Heads, to be Overseers of the Translations as well Hebrew as 
kj for the better Observation of the 4th Rule above specified. 

In contrast with all these preparatory arrangements 
and rules, we may now quote the only nearly contem- 
porary account of the experiences of one of the revisers 
which has come down to us. This relates to one of the 
second Cambridge group, to whom was committed the 
translation of the Apocrypha, Dr. John Boys, afterwards 
(1619) Dean of Canterbury, but at this time the holder 
of a living at Boxworth, which, it is to be feared, he 
rather neglected during his work as a translator. His 
biographer, Dr. Anthony Walker, writes : 

When it pleased God to move King James to that excellent 
work, the translation of the Bible ; when the translators were 
to be chosen for Cambridge, he was sent for thither by those 
therein employed, & was chosen one ; some university men 
thereat repining (it may be not more able, yet more ambitious 
to have born [a] share in that service) disdaining that it should 
be thought they needed any help from the country. Forgetting 
that Tully was the same man at Tusculan[um] as he was at 
Rome. Sure I am, that part of the Apocrypha was alotted 
to him (for he hath shewed me the very copy he translated by), 
but to my grief I know not which part. 

All the time he was about his own part, his commons were 
given him at St. John's ; where he abode all the week, till 
Saturday night ; & then went home to discharge his cure : 
returning thence on Monday morning. When he had finished 
his own part, at the earnest request of him to whom it was 
assigned, he undertook a second ; and then he was in commons 
in another college : but I forbear to name both the person and 
the house. 

Four years were spent in this first service ; at the end whereof 
the whole work being finished, & three copies of the whole Bible 
sent from Cambridge, Oxford & Westminster, to London ; a 
new choice was to be made of six in all, two out of every com- 
pany, to review the whole work ; & extract one [copy] out of 
all three, to be committed to the presse. 

For the dispatch of which business Mr. Bownes & Mr, 


were sent for np to London. Where meeting (though Mr. 
Downes would not go till he was either fetcht or threatned 
with a pursivant) their four fellow labourers, they went dayly 
to Stationers Hall, & in three quarters of a year, finished their 
task. All which time they had from the Company of Stationers 
xxx 8 [each] per week, duly paid them : tho' they had nothing 
before but the self-rewarding, ingenious industry. Whilst 
they were imployed in this last businesse, he & he only, took 
notes of their proceedings : which notes he kept till his dying 
day. 1 

Dr. Boys's biographer seems ignorant of the fact that 
alike at Oxford, Cambridge, and Westminster, there were 
two companies, making six in all, so that if two revisers 
went to Stationers' Hall from each company, this final 
board of revision must have had twelve members instead 
of the six of which he speaks. We know this indeed as 
a fact from the report of the English delegates to the 
Synod of Dort, among whom was Samuel Ward, one of 
the revisers. 2 On the basis of a board of twelve, paid 
305. each a week for 39 weeks, the sum disbursed would 
be 702. That this sum was paid by the Company is 
incredible ; it is just possible, however, that it was the 
contribution of the proprietors of the ' Bible Stock ' 
already mentioned, which can only have continued in 
existence all these years if its owners were admitted 
by the holder of the royal patent to share a portion of 
the expenses and profits either of all editions or of those 

, a From Desiderata Curiosa : or a collection of divers scarce 
and curious pieces. By Francis Peck. New ed,, 1779. Part 
viii. p. 325 sqq. ' The life of that famous Grecian, Mr. John 
Bois, S.T.B. one of the translators of the Bible, temp. Jac. I. . . 
By Anthony Walker, M.A., of St. John's College, Cambridge. 
From a 4 MS. in the hands of the publisher. The gift of the 
Rev. Mr. Thomas Baker. 1 

* ' Post peractum a singulis pensum, ex hisce omnibus duo- 
decirn selecti viri in unum locum convocati integrum opus recogno- 
verunt ac recensuerunt.' 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 57 

in particular sizes. Even, however, if this were so it is 
evident that such a payment would only be made in 
pursuance of a private agreement with Robert Barker, 
and forty years after the Bible was published we meet 
with a definite statement 1 that Barker had, in fact, 
' paid for the amended or corrected Translation of the 
Bible 3,500 : by reason whereof the translated copy did 
of right belong to him and his assignes.' If, as the state- 
ment should mean, this sum was actually paid to the 
translators, it would have represented between 50 and 
60 apiece for the work done during the sittings of the 
six companies. Now the preface to the Bible says of the 
translation that it c hath cost the workemen, as light as 
it seemeth, the paines of twise seven times seventy-two 
dayes and more ', or about two years and nine months. 
On the basis of the prebend of the value of 20 at least 
which the King desired to secure for the translators, this 
would mean a payment of just 55, either to the trans- 
lators direct or to the colleges which boarded them. But 
neatly as these figures work out, the hypothesis thus 
suggested is quite uncorroborated, and we have really no 
sound basis even for guessing how the 3,500 was paid. 
The sessions of the six companies, it may be noted, are 
usually supposed to have begun (although doubtless there 
were preliminary meetings) in 1607, the years 1605, J 6o6 
being thus allotted to private research, 1607-9 to ^ e 

1 In William Ball's Brief* treatise concerning the regulating of 
printing, 1651. On May 10, 1612, Robert Barker obtained an 
extended patent, and on February n, 1617, this was re-granted 
to him for his own life and for thirty years after his death to his 
son, Robert II. In 1635 the reversion was re-granted to Charles 
and Matthew Barker. Robert died in 1646, and in 1664 a moiety 
of these rights was valued at 1,300. See the article by H. R. 
Plomer, ' The King's Printing House under the Stuarts/ in The 
Library, 2nd Series, vol. 8 (1901). 


work of the six boards, part of 1610 to that of the twelve 
revisers at Stationers' Hall, and the rest of 1610 and part 
of 1611 to printing. From the Report of the Synod of 
xii. Dort (November 16, 1618) already mentioned, we learn 
that the final touches to the translation were given by 
Bilson, Bishop of Winchester, and Miles Smith, after- 
wards Bishop of Gloucester. 1 The former was not 
a member of any of the boards of revisers, but that the 
work of the revisers should subsequently be ' reviewed 
by the Bishops and the chief e learned of the Church ' was 
part of the scheme which the King had sketched out at 
the Hampton Court Conference, and another Bishop, 
Bancroft of London, is said to have insisted on fourteen 
afterations. Whether in further pursuance of the King's 
programme the version was presented by the bishops to 
the Privy Council, and lastly ratified by his Royal 
authority, we cannot say. As is well known no authority 
has ever been discovered for the words ' Appointed to be 
read in Churches ' which appear on the title-page of all 
editions, nor for the phrase, the ' Authorized Version ', 
by which the Bible is usually known. When, however, 
this point was raised at the time of the Revision of 1881, 
Lord Chancellor Selborne wrote to the Times (June 3, 
1881), giving it as his opinion that if the version 

was ' appointed to be read in churches ' (as is expressly stated 
on the title-page of 1611), at the time of its first publication, 
nothing is more probable than that this may have been done 
by Order in Council. If so, the authentic record of that order 
would now be lost, because all the Council books and registers 
from the year 1600 to 1613 inclusive were destroyed by a fire 

1 ' Postremo Reverendissimus Episcopus Wintoniensis Bilsonus 
una cum Doctore Smitho nunc Episcopo Glocestriensi, viro 
eximio, et ab initio in toto hoc opere versatissimo, omnibus mature 
pensitatis et examinatis, extremam manum huic version! impo- 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 59 

at Whitehall, on the i2th of January, 1618 (O.S.). Nothing 
in my opinion, is less likely than that the King's printer should 
have taken upon himself (whether with a view to his own profit 
or otherwise) to issue the book) being what it was, a translation 
unquestionably made by the King's commandment to correct 
defects in earlier versions of which the use had been authorized 
by Royal injunctions, &c. in preceding reigns) with a title-page 
asserting that it was ' Appointed to be read in Churches ' if the 
fact were not really so. 

Lord Selborne proceeds to speak of the terrors of the 
3ourt of High Commission and the Star Chamber as 
naking it ' incredible ' that Barker should have taken 
my risks. But he does not seem sufficiently to have 
listinguished between what may be done when authorities 
ire amiable and when they are the reverse. The Version 
>f 1611 was produced to take the place of the Bishops' 
Bible, on the title-pages of which, in the editions from 
^585 to 1602 (the last) inclusive, had been printed the 
#ords 'Authorised and Appointed to be read in Churches '. 
[n the small folio edition of 1584 the phrase runs, Of 
:hat Translation authorised to be read in Churches.' 
Previously to this (1574-8) we find only ' Set foorth by 
mcthoritie '. In 1568, 1569, and 1572, there are no 
vords to this effect of any sort or kind, although we 
aiow that Parker would have liked to use them. Parker 
lad even had to endure the sight of an edition following 
the text of the Great Bible, which was published in 1569 
3y Cawood, and advertised itself as ' According to the 
:ranslation that is appointed to be read in the Churches ', 
i phrase which he might not use of his own. None the 
ess, the Bishops' Bible superseded the Great Bible, and 
as the need for distinguishing it from the Geneva version 
nade itself felt we find Jugge (and the assigns of Christo- 
pher Barker in the folio of 1578) using the words, ' Set 
Eoorth by aucthoritie '. When Whitgift became Arch- 


bishop we get first the phrase of 1584 and then the fuller 
f Authorised and Appointed to be read in Churches ' of 
1585-1602, As far as I know it has never been contended 
that there was any Order in Council passed in 1584 or 
1585 to justify this, and it seems therefore far from safe 
to postulate the existence of such an Order in 1611. 
There is indeed negative evidence that there was no such 
order, for the word ' Appointed ', is considerably weaker 
than the ' Authorised and Appointed ' which it replaced. 
By itself ' Appointed ' means little more than ' assigned ' 
or ' provided ', and the words ' Appointed to be read in 
Churches ' literally expressed the facts that this Bible 
was printed by the King's printer with the approval of 
the King and the Bishops for use in churches, and that 
no competing edition ' of the largest volume ' was 
allowed to be published. Theoretically this justification 
by facts may have been insufficient ; but when all the 
parties are agreed, legal formalities are often omitted. 

If the notes which Dr. Boys treasured so carefully to 
the end of his life had been preserved, it might be possible 
to trace, if only for a single section, the work done at the 
different stages of the revision. As it is we have nothing 
but the finished result and a few remarks on it in the 
preface. As far as ecclesiastical politics were concerned 
the task of the revisers was with the smallest possible 
amount of disturbance to harmonize the Bishop's version 
with the Geneva wherever the latter was more correct, 
and the desire to do this accounts for the vast majority 
of the changes which in any way affect the sense. The 
revisers were concerned also, although pride prevented 
any reference to the fact, to meet the objections which 
had been urged in the preface and notes to the Rheims 
New Testament, and it is to their credit that they not 
only did this, but took from that version much that was 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 61 

good, though with no other acknowledgement than a gibe. 
Other changes were due to the study of two new Latin 
versions, that by Arias Montanus of the Old Testament 
printed in the Antwerp Polyglott, and that by Tremellius 
of the Old and New Testament, with the Apocrypha by 
his son-in-law, Franciscus Jumus ; yet others from the 
Geneva French version (1587-8), Diodati's Italian (1607), 
and the Spanish (1602) of Cipriano de Valera. These 
three foreign translations seem to have attracted con- 
siderable attention, as they are mentioned not only in the 
Preface, but by Selden, in whose Talk-Talk we read 
(clearly of the meetings of the final board of twelve) that : 

The translators in king James's time took an excellent way. 
That part of the Bible was given to him who was most excellent 
in such a tongue (as the Apocrypha to Andrew Downs) and 
then they met together, and one read the translation, the rest 
holding in their hands some Bible, either of the learned tongues, 
or French, Spanish, Italian, etc. If they found any fault they 
spoke ; if not, he read on. 

Whether the wonderful felicity of phrasing should be 
attributed to the dexterity with which, after meanings 
had been settled and the important words in each 
passage chosen, either the board of twelve or the two 
final revisers put their touches to the work, or whether, 
as seems more likely, the rhythm, first called into being 
by Tyndale and Coverdale, reasserted itself after every 
change, only gathering strength and melody from the 
increasing richness of the language, none can tell. All 
that is certain is that the rhythm and the strength and 
the melody are there. 

The Bible of 1611, being only a revised edition, was not 
entered on the Stationers' Registers, nor have we any 
information as to the month in which it was issued. In 
its original form it is a handsome, well-printed book, set 


up apparently with newly cast type yielding a clean and 
sharp impression, and on excellent paper. It begins 
with an engraved title-page signed ' C. Boel fecit in 
Richmont ', i.e. by Cornelis Boel, an Antwerp artist, who 
about this time produced portraits of the Queen, the 
Princess Elizabeth, and Prince Henry. In the upper 
panel SS. Peter and James sit, holding between them an 
oval frame within which is a representation of the Lamb, 
at the sides are SS. Matthew and Mark. On the two 
sides of the title stand Moses and Aaron in niches. At 
the foot are seated SS. Luke and John, while between 
them is another oval frame containing a picture of a 
pelican feeding her young. The title reads : 

1 The Holy Bible, conteyning the Old Testament and 
the New. Newly Translated out of the Originall 
tongues : & with the former Translations diligently 
compared and reuised by his Maiesties speciall Com- 
andement, Appointed to be read in Churches. 
Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to 
the Kings most Excellent Maiestie. AnnoDom. 1611.' 

Leaves 2 and 3* are occupied with the Dedication : ' To 
the most High and Mightie Prince, lames by the grace 
of God King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, 
Defender of the Faith, &c.' ; 3 b -8, by the preface headed 
' The Translators to the Reader ', 9-14 by a Calendar ; 
15% by ' An Almanacke for xxxix. yeeres ', 1603-1641 ; 
15 \ by Directions ' To finde Easter for euer ' ; i6-i8 a by 
' The Table and Kalendes, expressing the order of Psalmes 
and Lessons to be said at Morning and Euening prayer ', 
and a table headed, ' These to be obserued for Holy 
dayes, and none other ; ' i8 lj , by ' The names and order 
of all the Bookes of the Olde and New Testament, with 
the Number of their Chapters ' . Inserted at the binder's 

THE BIBLE OF 1611 63 

pleasure after the preface, after leaf 18 or elsewhere, 
are usually eighteen leaves of the Genealogies of Holy 
Scripture and a sheet containing a Map of Canaan with 
a table of the places named printed on the reverse. In 
October 1610 John Speed had obtained a privilege from 
the king enabling him for ten years to saddle every edition 
of the Scriptures with his decoratively printed but 
useless Genealogies, and so the cost of the book was 
needlessly increased by from sixpence to two shillings 
a copy, according to the size. In some copies, it 
may be mentioned, the Genealogies begin with a 
blank page ; in others this is occupied by a fine cut 
of the royal arms, subscribed Cum Priuilegio Regiae 

The text of the Bible is printed in black-letter with 
the inserted words (now printed in italics) in small 
roman, and roman type is also used for the summaries 
at the head of each chapter, for the subject headlines at 
the top of each page, and for the references to parallel 
passages in the margin ; the alternative renderings in the 
margins are in italics. 1 The text is printed in double 
columns enclosed within rules, with ornamental head- 
pieces and a few tailpieces and capitals at the beginning 
of each chapter and psalm. At the outset it was clearly 
intended that the capital at the beginning of a book 
should occupy the depth of nine lines of text, that at 
the beginning of each chapter after the first the depth of 
five ; but the run on capitals in the Psalter caused four- 
and six-line blocks to be used, and after this the arrange- 

1 The alternative renderings and references to parallels are 
probably the work of the six companies ; the chapter summaries 
and subject headlines are usually attributed to the two final 
revisers. In later editions the subject headlines, which are based 
on the chapter summaries, have usually been left to the printer's 


merit is more frequently disturbed, 1 though it still re- 
mains the normal one. In order to begin the Psalter 
(one of the old five sections into which Bibles used to be 
divided), on a right-hand page, the page before it is left 
blank, but there is no typographical break throughout 
the Old Testament. The New Testament has a separate 
title-page, with a woodcut previously used in editions of 
the Bishops' Bible. It was also taken as a new typo- 
graphical starting-point. The book consists in all of 
366 sheets of two leaves, or four pages each, grouped in 
123 quires or gatherings signed as follows : 

Preliminaries : A-D. 

Old Testament: A-Z, Aa-Zz, Aaa-Zzz, Aaaa-Zzzz, 

New Testament : A-Z, Aa. 

With the exception of B and D, in the preliminaries, 
of which the former has only one sheet, the latter only 
two, every quire is regularly made up of three sheets or 
six leaves. The whole book is homogeneous, and was 
almost certainly set up and printed in its own sequence, 
not in different sections worked simultaneously. Of the 
Bible thus set up only a single issue was printed. The 
so-called second issue is an entirely distinct and separate 
edition, save that a few leaves of the original edition, of 
which an excessive number had been printed by some 
mistake, are sometimes found used in it. 

1 In the New Testament two of the mythological ten-line set, 
the use of which in the Bishops' Bible had justly been censured, 
reappear at the beginning of Matthew and Romans ; and small 
pictorial capitals of an evangelist writing, at the beginning of the 
gospels according to S. Luke and S. John. 

OF 1611 

As we have seen, every parish in England had been 
obliged to provide itself with a Bible of the 'largest 
volume ' in 1541 under penalty of a fine of 405. for 
every month of delay, the book costing xos. in sheets 
and 125. bound. Beyond the woids on the title-page, 
' Appointed to be read in Churches/ which, as they stand, 
are purely affirmative, not exclusive (unlike, for instance, 
the 'These to be obserued for Holy dayes, and none other ' 
of this very volume), there is no tittle of evidence for any 
Order in Council having enjoined parishes to buy copies 
with inconvenient haste. In the year of issue the Dean 
and Chapter of Worcester bought ' a Great Bible of the 
new translation ' for z i8s., which probably represents 
the cost of the book in a binding good enough for cathedral 
use. From a book printed in 1641 (Michael Sparke's 
Scintilla) we learn that the price of Church Bibles had 
then recently been raised from 305. to 405., and that ' in 
former times ' these were sold in quires at 255., to which 
must be added the cost of binding. It would have been 
highly unpopular to force an expenditure of this kind on 
every parish, however small. To do so, moreover, would 
have been alike impolitic and needless ; impolitic, be- 
cause any haste in the matter would have suggested 
that very slur on the Bishops' version which the Preface 
so earnestly disclaims * ; needless, because the supply of 

1 ' Truly (good Christian Reader) wee neuer thought from the 
beginning, that we should neede to make a new Translation, nor 
yet to make of a bad one a good one, (for then the imputation of 
Sixtus had bene true in some sort, that our people had bene fed 
with gall of Dragons instead of wine, with whey instead of milke :) 
but to make a good one better. 1 



Bibles being, as we have pointed out, a regulated and 
controlled supply, whenever an old Church Bible was 
worn out, it was necessarily replaced by a new one of 
the version of 1611, because no other Bible in large folio 
was purchasable. In an interesting article on The 
Authorisation of the English Bible, contributed by the 
present Archbishop of Canterbury to Macmittan's Maga- 
zine for June 1881, we find it stated : 

Of twenty-four [25 ?] ' inquiries ' between 1612 and 1641 
thirteen Bishops and Archdeacons, ask for ' a Bible oi the latest 
edition ', or 'of the last translation, 1 while twelve ask only for 
' a Bible of the largest volume ', in accordance with what had 
been the usual form of the question prior to 161 1 . Among the 
latter are Bishop Neilc of Lincoln (1614) ; Bishop Williams of 
Lincoln (1631) ; Bishop Duppa of Chichester (1638) ; and the 
Archdeacons of London, York and Colchester (1640). Arch- 
bishop Abbot in his metropolitical visitation in 1616 asks only 
for ' the whole Bible of the largest volume ', though three years 
later, in a visitation of the Diocese of Canterbury, he carefully 
refers to ' the Bible of the New Translation, lately set forth 
by His Majesty's authority '. Archbishop Laud, however, in 
a Diocesan visitation in 1634, departing from the form adopted 
by his predecessor, asks only for ' the whole Bible of the 
largest volume '. 

With the policy of patience and quiet penetration 
which the bishops as a body (some, no doubt, being 
more urgent than others) thus seem to have pursued, 
the bibliographical evidence is in entire agreement. 
Misapprehension of the ecclesiastical position has indeed 
caused some bibliographers to go astray, and to imagine 
the simultaneous printing of two issues in 1611 to meet 
a demand for 20,000 copies, such as Grafton and Whit- 
church had to provide for in 1540 and 1541. But the 
demand for 20,000 copies and the double issue arc 
equally imaginary. After the first edition, completed iu 
1611, an entirely new one was put in hand, the issue of 


the bulk of which belongs to 1613, and in this year there 
appeared also a folio reprint for church use in smaller 
type ; l a third edition in the largest type was published 
in 1617, a fourth in 1634, a fifth i* 1 1640. It is clear that 
if every parish had acquired a copy in 1611, there could 
have been no demand for new editions in 1613 and 1617. 
It is also clear, from the seventeen years interval beiore 
a reprint, that the 1617 edition did substantially com- 
plete the necessary supply. If so, the editions may have 
been of as many as 5,000 copies apiece. 

To understand the trouble which has arisen it must be 
remembered that in the case of Bibles all editions of the 
same size were so printed that, the contents of each 
sheet being precisely the same, the sheets should be 
interchangeable. This probably made for correctness in 
reprinting, and the reprints follow each other so closely, 
mostly line for line, and always leaf for leaf, that they 
can only be distinguished from the copy they follow by 
careful collation. But the printer's object in this arrange- 
ment was probably the lower one of being able to use 
up sheets which had been printed in excess of the require- 
ments of one edition by printing fewer copies for the 
next, and also, when any sheets of a nearly exhausted 
edition had accidentally been spoilt, by printing these 
particular sheets in advance of the next edition, to make 
one setting serve for both purposes. In a well-managed 
printing-office, neither class of accident would recur with 
sufficient frequency to be worth providing against ; but 
Barker's office was not well managed, and from his plea 
in one of the interminable lawsuits which made him end 
his days in a debtor's prison, we learn that about 1616-18 

1 By printing 72 instead of 59 lines to a column, and a corre- 
sponding lateral saving, the number of leaves was reduced from 
733 to 508, 


lie owed over 200 to various booksellers as compensa- 
tion for having supplied imperfect books. 1 

Before the end of 1611 the stock of the first edition 
of the new Bible was sufficiently low to cause a second 
to be put in hand. The engraved plate from which the 
title had been printed must by this time have been 
much worn and (possibly after some hesitation) hence- 
forth Barker preferred the woodcut border which appears 
in the New Testament for the general title as well. The 
easiest hypothesis to account for the peculiarities which 
we find in the edition which he now proceeded to print 
is that he first reprinted the sheet which bears the title, 
and a few other sheets at various points, to complete 
imperfect copies of the first edition, and then settled 
down to reprint the rest, completing this, if we are 
bound to press the date 1611 found on the New Testa- 
ment, within the year, somewhat ahead of the demand. 
Before this became urgent a serious accident must have 
happened in his warehouse, which rendered unusable 
a large part of the stock (about 119 out of 138 sheets) 
in one part of the book, viz. the quires signed Aa-Zz 
and Aaa-Zzz. A few sheets, 2 which I conjecture to have 
been among those printed in advance of the rest and 
kept in a different place, escaped, but the stock of the 
rest had to be completed by a second reprinting, and the 
completed stock was then stored according to the exigen- 
cies of the warehouse. By 1613 the supply of the title- 
sheet, of which only a small number seems to have been 
printed in 1611 (possibly because Barker at first thought 

1 See Mr. H. R. Plomer's article in The Library (Second Series, 
vol. ii, pp. 3S3-375)> on ' The King's Printing House under the 
Stuarts '. 

a Viz. (probably) Aa,, Ff a , Gg 1>2 , Kk x> Ttw, Aaa a , Bbb 3 , Iii a , 
Lll,, Ooo 2> 3, Qqq 3l Sssl^, Zzz,, 


of re-engraving the original copper-plate a ) was exhausted, 
and this sheet was then reprinted and dated 1613. 
During the next three or four years the copies sold 
exhibit so many combinations of the two printings of 
the sheets bearing the double and treble signatures (Aa 
and Aaa, &c.), that with the exception of a group of 
about twenty hardly any two copies agree. The infer- 
ence is that this score of copies represent the part of the 
edition sold to the booksellers when first it was ready, 
since these copies would all be made up at the same 
time, and the sheets required for them would be ex- 
tracted from the same part of each bundle. On the 
other hand, copies made up at later dates in response to 
the casual daily demand would naturally differ according 
to the whim of the man who picked out the sheets for them . 

The above explanation is based 2 on the very able paper 
by the Rev. Walter E. Smith, published in three numbers 
of The Library for 1890 under the title The Great She- 
Bible, and is intended to account for the following facts : 

(i) While the great majority of the extant title-pages 
of the second edition are dated 1613, those in at least 
three copies are dated 1611, and this title with the 
woodcut border and the date 1611 has also been found 
on some copies of the editio princeps. The title-page 
of the New Testament in all copies is dated 1611. 

1 I may note that the engraved title is said to be found in a 
' very few * copies of the cheaper Church folio (72 line) of 1613. 
In one at least of these it is clearly inserted. But as long as the 
plate existed it might be used on an emergency to complete copies. 

8 I use this word because Mr. Smith did not fully express his 
views on the significance of the 1611 printed title-page, as to 
which he obtained additional information after his text was 
printed, and in some points I think I interpret the evidence he 
collected a little differently. His paper settled the main question 
quite finally. 


(ii) Out of a total of 357 sheets of text, four of those 
singly signed (E 3 , P 2 , a , X 2 ), and 119 of those doubly and 
trebly signed (Aa, &c., Aaa, &c.) are found in two 
different forms, constituting different editions of these 
individual sheets, one of which can almost always be 
positively proved to have been set up from the other. 

(iii) The sheets of these signatures first printed are 
not, as a rule, all found together in some copies, and the 
reprints of them in others, but the two printings are 
very much mixed together, and in very various ways. 

The explanation is probably only a very rough approxi- 
mation to the truth, and further investigation is rendered 
almost hopeless by the fact that collectors like Lea 
Wilson and Francis Fry (the latter of whom bought and 
sold an extraordinary number of copies), and many much 
more easily forgivable booksellers, have transferred 
sheets from one copy to another to bring them into 
accord with their own mistaken ideas of perfection, and 
the evidence has thus been hopelessly confused. Nor if, 
as I believe, the way in which copies of this second 
edition were made up depended mainly on the whim of 
Barker's storekeeper, is it possible as regards the bulk 
of the copies 1 to say with any probability that one is 
earlier than another. The important point is that we 
must repudiate altogether the misuse of bibliographical 
terms by which Mr. Fry constantly wrote of a certain 
type of copy of the second edition as the second ' issue ' 
of the first. A sheet of the first edition may here and 
there be found (for the reasons given) in a copy of the 
second, but the second edition as a whole, whether it 
bears a 1611 title or a 1613 title, was printed from a new 

1 Those with one or more 161 1 sheets used in them may perhaps 
be set down as earlier, and those with 1617 sheets as later. But 
even this is not always certain. 


setting up of the type, whereas the essence of a new 
1 issue ' is that it is printed from the same setting up, 
but with additions, cancels, or other subordinate changes. 
The only first edition is that which is here reprinted. 

A still more serious error was committed by the dis- 
tinguished scholar, Dr. F. H. A. Scrivener, who in 1884, 
in his book entitled The Authorised Edition of the English 
Bible (1611) : its subsequent reprints and modern re-pre- 
sentatives (an enlargement of his Introduction to the 
Cambridge Paragraph Bibk of 1873) argued strenuously, 
but in entire ignorance of the customs of the book trade 
in the seventeenth century, that copies of the (second) 
edition with the woodcut title dated 1611 preceded the 
(first) edition with the engraved title, here reprinted. 
Dr. Scrivener was led to this conclusion by the idea, 
natural to a modern scholar, that the opportunity of 
a new edition would be used for making the text more 
correct. So far from this being the case it is a practically 
invariable experience that for every error corrected in 
a seventeenth-century reprint, at least two are intro- 
duced. Dr. Scrivener allowed that the accepted editio 
princeps was the finer and better, but did not see how 
incredible it is that an eagerly expected book like the 
version of 1611, of which copies would at once be given 
to the king and other great persons, should have been 
put on the market in the first instance in an inferior 
form, have been then improved in almost every respect 
in a second edition, and then have gone back to its 
original state, or a little worse, in a third. The relations 
of the copies with the 1611 and 1613 woodcut' titles 
constitute another insuperable difficulty to his theory, 
but the priority of the true editio princeps can be proved 
bibliographically in a dozen different ways. A few of 
these may be indicated ; 


(i) Dr, Scrivener himself noted a blunder in the editio 
princeps by which three lines are repeated in Exodus xiv. 
10. In the second edition we can see the printer, who 
could not ignore this particular error, bringing a couple 
of words on to another line, and leaving extra space 
at the head of chapter xv, in order to fill the gap created 
by omitting the three repeated lines. 

(ii) The editio princeps, as we have seen, begins with 
a regular system of nine-line capitals at the beginning of 
the first chapter of each book, and five-line capitals at the 
beginning of other chapters, and only gradually departs 
from it. In the second edition the printer is careless all 
the way through, using additional capitals from other sets, 
and making changes in the line-arrangements obviously 
dictated by the different sizes of the new capitals. 

(iii) In the editio princeps the word ' Lord ' is printed 
throughout the book of Genesis as LORD, afterwards as 
LORD. In the second edition it is always printed LORD. 

All of these changes are intelligible if the second 
edition was printed from the first. None of them can 
be explained if the first edition was printed from the 
second. Add the fact that the type of the second edition 
is distinctly more worn, and the true sequence is obvious. 
This is now generally recognized, and it is only just to 
say that on this point Mr. Francis Fry was quite sound. 

It remains to be added that the first edition of the 
new translation is frequently called the He-Bible and the 
second the She-Bible, from the fact that in Ruth iii. 15 
the former reads ' He went into the city *, and the latter 
* She '. All such nicknames for editions of the Bible 
are objectionable, and this, which suggests that the two 
editions form a pair, is mischievous. Their relation is 
not that of equality as between man and woman, but 
the second is derived from the first, as a child from its 


parents, an entirely new and distinct edition, reprinted 
from the original, and not a contemporaneous issue. 

Turning now from the Church Bibles to those for 
private use we find that two quartos and two octavos 
were issued in 1612, one quarto and one octavo following 
the editio princeps, and the other quarto and octavo 
following the second edition. A quarto and octavo were 
printed at the turn of the years 1612-13, two other 
quartos and an octavo in 1613, two quartos in 1613-14, 
and two more quartos and an octavo in 1614, almost all 
of these following the text of the second edition. These 
fourteen editions (there may have been more) seem to 
have satisfied the immediate demand, and after this we 
find one, two, and three editions printed in different 
years. Very few editions of the New Testament seem 
at first to have been printed separately, and it is interest- 
ing to find Messrs. Darlow and Moule, in their catalogue 
of the treasures of the Bible Society, recording editions 
of the Bishops' version as being printed in 1613, 1614, 
1615, and 1617. After this New Testaments of the new 
translation became more common. 

As regards the Geneva Bible, of which a folio and 
quarto had been printed in 1611, we find another folio 
published in 1612, three quartos in 1614, two more 
quartos in 1615, and a folio in 1616, After this, although 
for another fifteen or twenty years eminent ecclesiastics, 
ordained before 1611, continued to take into the pulpit 
their old Geneva pocket editions, no doubt marked and 
familiar to their hands, and had no hesitation in using 
this version for their texts, the king's printers were 
encouraged to print no more Geneva Bibles, and the 
production of them was thus driven underground. It has 
long been a puzzle to bibliographers why there should 
be so many different editions (at least six), of the Geneva 


Bible asserting themselves on their title-pages to have 
been ' Imprinted at London by the Deputies of Chris- 
topher Barker, Printer to the Queenes most excellent 
Maiestie. 1599.' O ne * ti 1686 editions is found also 
bearing the much more truthful statement, ' By lohn 
Fredericks^. Stam, dwelling by the South Churche at the 
signe of the Hope. 1633 ' (see Bible Society Catalogue, 
Nos. 191 and 364). Mr. N. Pocock, who wrote on the 
subject in the Bibliographer, vol. iii, stated as his conclu- 
sion that ' the whole investigation seems to show that 
these editions of the Geneva-Tomson [Bible] were pub- 
lished at different times at Amsterdam and Dort, and 
adopted afterwards by Barker, who affixed the date 
1599, probably because this was a well-known and popular 
edition '. A still more probable reason for the selection 
of the date 1599 is surely that in 1600 Robert Barker 
took over his f ather's business, and the deputies vanished. 
Thus this particular imprint was the latest with which 
editions could circulate freely in England, without Robert 
Barker being personally implicated. Whether Robert 
himself was always in the position of having ' a few 
remaining copies ' of one or other of these editions in 
stock we can only surmise. But the complete, or nearly 
complete, cessation of English-printed editions of the 
Geneva Bible after 1616, combined with the appearance 
of Dutch-printed editions, one at least of which belongs 
to the year 1633, disguised by spurious imprints, is fair 
proof that the Geneva Bible was now again subjected 
to the silent boycott by which Parker had repressed it 
until the year of his death. Fortunately, lethargy no 
longer accompanied repression, and the supply of Bibles 
of every size was abundant, although we hear murmurs 
that the king's printers were allowed to charge too much 
for them. 


Although there can be no doubt that the price of Bibles 
gradually rose, in 1629 buyers of small folios and large 
quartos were for a short time able to obtain them cheap 
enough, as, on the Cambridge University Press for the 
first time exercising its right to print a Bible, and putting 
a small folio on the market at zos. instead of 125., the 
king's printers sold a specially printed folio edition and 
a thousand copies in quarto at 5$. apiece, ' to overthrow 
the Cambridge printing, and so to keep all in their own 
hands ' (Sparke's Scintilla, 1641). This Cambridge 
edition of 1629 is noteworthy also, not only as excep- 
tionally well printed, but as bearing marks of careful 
revision, carried still further in an edition of 1638, which 
went so far as to improve the text (I quote from Dr. 
Scrivener) ' by inserting words or clauses, especially in 
the Old Testament, overlooked by the editors of 1611 ; 
by amending manifest errors ; by rendering the italic 
notation at once more self-consistent, and more agreeable 
to the design of the original translators.' According to 
a contemporary note the revisers were Dr. , Goad, of 
Hadley, Dr. Joseph Mede, Dean Boys, and Dr. Samuel 
Ward, of Sidney Sussex, of whom the last two were 
survivors of the original Cambridge board of 1611. 
Between these two Cambridge editions came one from 
the king's printers in 1631, for which the firm was fined 
300 for omitting the word not in the seventh command- 
ment. After 1638 carelessness still continued, and the 
London market was also flooded with incorrect editions 
printed in Holland. In the eighteenth century even 
Baskett, as a rule a careful printer, in aiming at sump- 
tuousness could produce the Bible of 1716-17 1 with its 
' basketfull ' of errors. In 1762 a Bible revised by 

1 The 'so-called Vinegar Bible, from the misprint Vinegar for 
Vineyard in the headline to Luke xx, 


Dr. Thomas Paris of Trinity College was printed at 
Cambridge, and seven years later a similar revision was 
carried through at Oxford by Dr. Benjamin Blayney, of 
Hertford College. It must be remembered that no copy 
of the version of 1611 had been ' sealed ' as a standard, 
as was done in the case of the Prayer-book, and these 
attempts to increase consistency and to remove errors 
were wholly laudable. On the other hand it is obvious 
that under cover of such minor revisions more serious 
changes might be introduced, and in 1831, in a pamphlet 
entitled The Existing Monopoly an inadequate protection 
of the AutJwrised Version of the Scripture, Thomas Curtis, 
of Islington, called public attention to a number of 
departures from the original text. The uneasiness thus 
created was effectually dispelled by the Oxford University 
Press producing, in 1833, a line for line reprint of the 
cditio princeps, the extraordinary accuracy of wliicli has 
been everywhere acknowledged. 




The text of the Constitution adopted by the Provincial Council 
at Oxford, 1408, from Lyndewode's Provinciate, Antwerp, 
Christopher of Endhoven, December 20, 1525, fo. ccvi, com- 
pared with the same constitution as ratified by the Provincial 
Council which met at St. Paul's, London, January 14, 1408-9, 
from Wilkins's Concilia, 1737, vol. iii. 317. 

1 SCRIPTURA sacra non transferatur in linguam vul- 
garem nee Iranslata interpretur donee rite fuerit exami- 
nata sub pena excommunicationis et nota hereseos. 

Periculosa [quoque 2 ] res est, testante beato Hyero- 
nymo, textum sacre scripture de unoinaliud ydioma trans- 
feree, eo quod in ipsis translationibus non de facili idem 
sensus in omnibus 3 retinetur, prout idem beatus Hyero- 
nymus, etsi inspiratus fuisset, se in hoc sepius fatetur 
errasse. Statuimus igitur et ordinamus, ut nemo deinceps 
textum aliquem 4 sacre scripture auctoritate sua in lin- 
guam Anglicanam, vel aliam transferat, per viam libri vel 
libelli aut tractatus, nee legatur aliquis huiusmodi liber, 
libellus, aut tractatus iam nouiter tempore dicti lohannis 

1 The heading given by Wilkins is : ' Ne quis texta (sic) 
S. Scripturae transferat in linguam Anglicanam,' but he quotes 
from a Lambeth MS. the variant : ' Ne textus aliquis S. Scripturae 
in linguam Anglicanam de caetero transferatur per viam libri aut 

a From Wilkins. 3 Wilkins, 'in omnibus sensus,' 

* Wilkins, 'aliquem textum.' 


Wyklyff, siue citra, compositus, aut in posterum com- 
ponendus, in parte vel in toto, publice vel occulte, sub 
pena maioris excommunicationis, quousque per loci 
diocesanum, sen, si res exegerit, per concilium prouinciale 
ipsa translatio fuerit approbata. Qui vero 5 contra 
fecerit, ut fautor heresis et erroris similiter puniatur. 


The Holy Scripture not to be translated into the 
vulgar tongue, nor a translation to be expounded, until 
it shall have been duly examined, under pain of excom- 
munication and the stigma of heresy. 

Moreover it is a perilous thing, as the Blessed Jerome 
testifies, to translate the text of Holy Scripture from 
one idiom into another, inasmuch as in the translations 
themselves it is no easy matter to keep the same meaning 
in all cases, like as the Blessed Jerome, albeit inspired, 
confesses that he often went astray in this respect. We 
therefore enact and ordain that no one henceforth on 
his own authority translate any text of Holy Scripture 
into the English or other language, by way of a book, 
pamphlet, or tract, and that no book, pamphlet, or tract 
of this kind be read, either already recently composed 
in the time of the said John Wyclif, or since then, or 
that may in future be composed, in part or in whole, 
publicly or privily, under pain of the greater excom- 
munication, until the translation itself 6 shall have been 
approved by the diocesan of the place or if need be by 

* WilMns omits ' vero '. 

4 It will be noted that it is the translation itself ( ' ipsa translatio ' ) 
which the Bishop or Provincial Council was to approve. In the 
uncertainty which almost from the beginning surrounded the 
origin of the Wydifite versions it seems to have become the 
practice to grant a licence to specified readers instead of to 
a specified version* 


a provincial council. Whoever shall do the contrary to 
be punished in like manner as a supporter of heresy and 


From ' A dyaloge of syr Thomas More . . . Wherin be treatyd 
dyuers maters, as of the . . . worshyp of ymagys . . . With many 
othre thyngys touchyng the pestylent sect of Luther and Tyndale. 
London, J. Rastell, 1529. (fol. xciii verso.) 

The thyrde boke. The xvi. chapyter. 

The messenger l reherseth som causys whych he hath 
herd layd by som of the clergye, wherfore the scrypture 
shold not be suffred in englysh. And the author sheweth 
hys mynde that yt were conuenyent to haue the byble in 
englyshe. And therwyth endeth the thyrd boke. 

Syr quod your frende, yet for all thys can I se no 
cawse why the clergye shold kepe the byble out of lay 
mennys handys, that can no more but theyr mother 

I had wente quod I that I had proued you playnly, 
that they kepe yt not from them. For I haue shewed 
you that they kepe none frome theym, but suche trans- 
lacyon as be eyther not yet approued for good, or such 
as be all redy reproued for naught, as Wyclyffys was 
and Tyndals. For as for other olde onys, that were 
before Wyclyffys days, [these] remayn lawful, and be 
in some folkys handys had and red. 2 

1 More secures entire freedom of speech for his interlocutor by 
making him merely the messenger of a friend, who reports every- 
thing he hears said without taking any responsibility for it. 

2 In ' An Answere vnto Sir Thomas Mores dialoge ' Tyndale (fol. 
cv) thus comments on this section : ' What maye not Master More 
saye by auctorite of his poetrie ? there is a lawfull translacion 



Ye say well quod he. But yet as women say, som- 
what yt was alway that the cat wynked whan her eye 
was oute. Surely so ys yt not for nought that the 
englysh byble is in so few mennys handys, whan so 
many wold so fayn haue yt. 

That ys very trouth quod I. For I thynke that 
though the fauourers of a secte of heretyques be so 
feruent in the settynge forthe of theyr sect, that they 
let not to lay theyr money togyder and make a purse 
amonge them for the pryntyng of an euyll made or euyll 
translated boke, whych though yt happe to be forboden 
and burned yet som be solde ere they be spyed, and eche 
of theym lese but theyr parte, yet I thynk ther wyll no 
prynter lyghtely be so hote to put eny byble in prent 
at hys own charge, wherof the losse sholde lye hole in 
hys owne necke, and than hange vppon a doutfull tryall 
whyther the fyrst copy of hys translacyon was made 
before Wyclyffys dayes or synnys. For yf yt were made 
synnys, yt must be approued byfore the pryntynge. 
And surely howe yt hathe happed that in all thys whyle 

that no man knoweth which is as mocli as no lawfull transla- 
cion. Whi mighte not the bisshopes shew which were that 
lawfull translation and lat it be printed ? Naye if that might 
haue bene obteyned of them with large money it had be printed 
ye maye besure longe yer this. But sir answere me here vnto, 
how happeneth that ye defendars translate not one youre sclues, 
to cease the xnurmonre of the people, and put to youre awne 
gloses, to preuent [i.e. forestall] heretikes ? Ye wold no doute 
haue done it longe sens, if ye coude haue youre gloses agre with 
the texte in euery place. And what can you saye to this, how 
that besydes they haue done their best to disanull all transiat- 
ynge by parlement, they haue disputed before the kinges grace 
that it is [text is it] perelous and not mete and so concluded that 
it shal not be, vnder a pretence of deferrynge it of certayne yeres. 
Where Master More was there speciall orator, to fayne lyes for 
their purpose.' 


god hathe eyther not suffred or not prouyded that eny 
good vertuouse man hath had the mynde in faythfull 
wyse to translate yt, and thervppon eyther the clergye 
or at the lest wyse som one bysshop to approue yt, thys 
can [I] no thynge tell. But howe so euer yt be, I haue 
herd and here so myche spoken in the mater, and so 
mych dout made therin, that peraduenture yt wold 
let and wythdrawe eny one bishop from the admyttyng 
therof, wythout the assent of the remanaunt. And 
where as many thyngys be layd agaynst yt, yet ys there 
in my mynde not one thyng that more putteth good 
men of the clergye in dout to suffer yt, than thys that 
they se somtyme myche of the worst sort more feruent 
in the callyng for yt, than them whom we fynde far 
better. Whych maketh theym to fere lest such men 
desyre yt for no good, and lest yf yt were had in euery 
mannys hand, there wold gret parell aryse, and that 
sedycyouse people shold do more harme therwyth, than 
god and honest folke sholde take frute therby. Whyche 
fere I promyse you no thyng fereth me, but that who so 
euer wolde of theyre malyce or foly take harme of that 
thynge that ys of ytself ordeyned to do all men good, 
I wold neuer for thauoydyng of theyr harme, take frome 
other the profyte whyche they myght take, and no 
thyng deserue to lese. For ellys yf thabuse of a good 
thyng shold cause the takynge awaye therof frome other 
that wolde use yt well, Cryst shold hyrn selfe neuer haue 
ben borne, nor brought hys f ayth in to the worlde, nor 
god sholde neuer haue made yt neyther, yf he shold for 
the losse of those that wold be dampned wreches, haue 
kepte away the occasyon of reward from theym that 
wold wyth helpe of hys grace endeuoure theym to 
deserue yt. . . . 


8 4 


From the same (fol. xcvii., recto ) 

Fynally me thynketh that the constytucyon prouyn- 
cyall of which we spake ryght now hath determyned 
thys questyon all redy. For whan the clergye therin 
agreed that the englysh bybles shold remayne whyche 
were translated afore Wyclyffes dayes, they conse- 
quentely dyd agre that to haue the byble in englysh was 
none hurte. And in that they forbade eny new trans- 
lacyon to be redde tyll y t were approued by the bishoppes, 
yt appereth wel therby that theyre entent was that the 
bysshoppe shold approue yt yf he founde yt f awtelesse, 
& also of reason amend yt where yt were f awtye, but yf 
the man were an heretyque that made yt, or the f awtis 
suche and so many, as yt were more ethe 1 to make yt all 
new than mend yt. As yt happed for bothe poyntys in 
the translacyon of Tyndall. 

Nowe yf yt so be that yt wold happely be thought not 
a thyng metely to be aduentured, to set all on a flushe at 
onys, & dash rashly out holy scrypture in euery lewde 
felowys tethe, yet thynketh me there mighte suche a 
moderacion be taken therin, as neyther good vertuous 
lay folk shold lacke yt, nor rude and rashe braynes abuse 
yt. For it might be with dylygence well and truly trans- 
lated by som good catholyke and well lerned man, or by 
dyuerse dyuydynge the laboure amonge theym, and 
after conferryng theyr seuerall partys together eche 
with other. And after that myght the work be allowed 
and approued by the ordynaryes, and by theyre autho- 
rytees so put vnto prent, as all the copyes shold come 

1 A misprint for * easy ' ? 


hole vnto the bysshoppys hande. Whyche he maye 
after hys dyscrecyon and wysedome delyver to suche as 
he perceyueth honest sad and vertuous, with a good 
monicyon & fatherly counsayl to vse yt reuerently wyth 
humble hart and lowly mynd, rather sekyng therm 
occasyon of deuocyon than of dyspycyon 2 . And pro- 
uydyng as mych as may be, that the boke be after the 
deceace of the partye brought agayn and reuerently 
restored vnto the ordynary. So that as nere as may be 
deuysed, no man haue yt but of the ordynaryes hande, 
and by hym thoughte and reputed for suche, as shall be 
lykely to vse yt to goddys honour and meryte of his own 
soule. Among whome yf eny be proued after to haue 
abused yt, than the vse therof to be forboden hym, 
eyther for euer, or tyll he be waxen wyser. 

By our lady quod youre frende thys way myslyketh 
not me. But who sholde set the pryce of the boke ? 

Forsothe quod I that reken I a thynge of lytell force. 3 
For neyther were yt a grete mater for any man in maner 
to geue a grote or twayne aboue the meane pryce for 
a boke of so great profyte, nor for the byshop to gyue 
them al fre, wherin he myght serue hys dyocyse wyth 
the coste of .x. li. I thynke or xx. markys 4 . Whyche 
some I dare saye there is no bysshop but he wold be glad 
to bestowe about a thynge that myght do hys hole 
dyocyse so specyall a pleasure wyth suche a spyrytuall 

By my trouth quod he yet wene I that the people 
wolde grudge to haue yt on thys wyse delyuered theym 

* Discussion, disputation. 3 Importance. 

4 The larger of these two sums is only twice as much as Bishop 
Nix contributed to the cost of buying up Tyndale's New Testa- 
ments (see no. xviii). It might have paid for thirty folio bibles 
or fifty in quarto. 


at the bysshops hand, and had leuer paye for yt to the 
prenter than haue yt of the bysshop fre. 

It myght so happen wyth some quod I. But yet in 
myne opinion there were in that maner more wylfulnesse, 
than wysedom or eny good mynd in such as wold not be 
content so to receyue them. And therfore I wolde 
thynke in good fayth that yt wold so fortune in fewe. 
But for god the more dowte wolde be, leste the[y3 wolde 
grudge and holde them self sore greued, that wolde 
requyre yt and were happely denyed yt. Whych 
I suppose wolde not often happen vnto eny honest howse- 
holder to be by hys dyscrecyon reuerently red in hys 
howse. But though yt were not taken 6 to euery lewd 
ladde in hys awn handes to rede a lytel rudely whan 
he lyst, and than cast the boke at hys helys, or among 
other such as hym selfe to kepe a quodlibet 6 and a pot 
parlement vppon, I trovve there wyll no wyse man fynde 
a fawte therin. 


From Fox's ' Actes and Monuments of matters most speciall 
and memorable, happenyng in the Church. . . . Newly reuised 
and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time 
agayne published ... by the Authour. 1 J. Dayc, London, 1583. 
pp. 1076 sq.' 

To be short, M. Tyndal being so molested and vexed 
in the countrey by the Priests, was constrained to leaue 

6 Entrusted. * Argument on any subject. 

1 The fourth edition was the last which Fox revised. In the 
case of Tyndale Fox had inserted new information in the second 
edition o-f 1570, and this is here reprinted. The extract begins 
with Tyndale's leaving Gloucestershire, where he had acted as 
tutor in the house of Sir John Walsh at Little Sodbury, and had 
had controversies with the neighbouring clergy. 


that country and to seke an other place : and so comming 
to M. Welche, he desired him of hys good will that hee 
myght depart from him, saying on this wise to him : 
Syr, I perceiue I shall not be suffered to tary long heere 
in this countrey, neither shall you be able though you 
woulde, to keepe me out of the hands of the spiritualitie, 
and also what displeasure might grow therby to you 
by keeping me, God knoweth : for the which I shoulde 
be right sorie. So that in fine, M. Tindall with the good 
will of his maister, departed, and eftsoones came vp to 
London, and there preached a while, according as he 
had done in the country before, and specially about the 
towne of Bristowe, and also in the sayde towne, in the 
common place called S. Austines Greene. At length 
he bethinking him selfe of Cutbert Tonstall, then Byshop 
of London, 2 and especially for the great commendation 
of Erasmus, who in his annotations so extolleth him for 
his learning, thus cast with himselfe, that if hee might 
attaine vnto his seruice hee were a happy man. And 
so comming to Syr Henry Gilford the kings controller, 3 
and bringing with him an Oration of Isocrates, which he 
had then translated out of Greeke into Englishe, he 
desired him to speake to the sayde B. of London for him. 
Which he also did, and willed him moreouer to wryte 
an Epistle to the Byshop, and to go him self with him, 
Which he did likewise and deliuered his Epistle to a 
seruaunte of his, named William Hebilthwait, a man of 
his olde acquaintaunce. But God who secretely dis- 

2 Cuthbert Tunstall or Tonstall (1474-1 559), bishop of London, 
1522-30 ; bishop of Durham, 1530 ; confined to his house, 1550, 
deprived 1553, restored on Mary's accession the same year; 
deprived again, 1 559. For Tyndale's own version of his relations 
with Tunstall, see No. V. 

a Sir Henry Guildford (1489-1532), Master of the Horse and 
Comptroller of the King's Household, 


poseth the course of things, saw that was not the best 
for Tyndals purpose, nor for the profite of hys Churche, 
and therefore gaue him to finde little fauor in the Bishops 
sight. The answer of whom was thys, that hys house was 
full, he had mo then he could wel finde, and aduised him 
to seeke in London abroade," where hee saide hee coulde 
lacke no seruice, &c. and so remained hee in London the 
space almoste of a yeare, beholding and marking wyth 
him selfe the course of the world, and especially the 
demeanour of the preachers, howe they boasted them 
selues and set vp their authoritie and kingdome : be- 
holding also the pompe of the Prelates, wyth other 
thynges moe whiche greatly misliked him : In so muche 
that he understoode, not onely there to be no rowme in 
the Bishops house for hym to translate the new Testa- 
ment : but also that there was no place to do it in al 
England. And therfore finding no place for liis purpose 
within the realme, and hauing some ayde and prouision, 
by Gods prouidence ministred vnto hym by Humphrey 
Mummouth aboue recited, as you may see before, pag. 
I07&. 4 and certain other good men, hee tooke hys leaue 

4 A-. wrong reference, 1076 being the page of the present text. 
' The trouble of Humfrey Mummuth, Alderman of London, 1 is 
told on p. 997. His story begins : ' Maister Humlrey Mummuth 
was a right godly and sincere Alderman of London, who in the 
dayes of Cardinall Woolsey, was troubled and put in the Tower, 
for the Gospell of Christ, and for mainteyning them that fauourcd 
the same. Stokesley then Bishop of London, ministred Articles 
unto him, to the number of xxiiij, as for adhereing to Luther and 
his opinions : for hauing and reading heretical bookes and 
treatises, for geuing exhibition [i.e. maintenance] to William 
Tindall, Roy, and such other, for helping them ouer the sea to 
Luther, for ministring priuie helpe to translate, as well the 
Testament, as other bookes into English, for eating flesh in Lent 
[&c.] ... He being of these articles examined, and cast in the 
Tower at last was compelled to make his sute or purgation, writ- 
ing to the foresaid Cardinall, then Lord Chauncelor, and the whole 


of the realme, and departed into Germanie. Where the 
good man being inflamed with a tender care and zeale of 
his countrey, refused no trauell nor diligence ho\ve by 
all meanes possible, to reduce his brethren and countrey- 
men of England to the same tast and vnderstandyng of 
Gods holy word and veritie, which the Lord had endued 
him withal. 

Whereupon he considering in his minde, and partely 
also conferring with lohn Frith, 5 thought wyth him 
selfe no way more to conduce therunto, then if the 
Scripture were turned into the vulgar speach, that the 

Counsayle out of the Tower. In the contents whereof he answered 
to the cnminous accusation of them which charged him with 
certayne bookes, receyued from beyond the sea : Also for his 
acquaintance wyth M. Tindall. Whereunto he sayde, that he 
denied not, but that foure yeares then past, he had heard the 
said Tindal preach two or three sermons at S. Dunstons in the 
west, and afterward meeting with the said'TindaJl, had certame 
communication with hym concerning his liuing, who then told 
him that he had none at all, but trusted to be in the Bishop of 
London his seruice : for then he laboured to be his chaplayne. 
But being refused of the Bishop, so came agayne to the sayd 
Mummuth this examinate, and besought him to helpe hym. Who 
the same tyme tooke hym into hys house for halfe a yeare, where 
the said Tindall liued (as he sayd) like a good priest, studieng 
both night & day. He would eat but sodden meate, by his good 
will, nor drink but small single beere. He was neuer seene in 
that house to weare lynnen about him, al the space of his beyng 
there. Whereupon the sayd Mummuth had the better liking of 
hym, so that he promised him ten pound (as he then sayd) for 
his father and mothers soules, and all Christen soules, which money 
afterward he sent him ouer to Hamborow, according to his pro- 
mise. And yet not to him alone he gaue ,this exhibition,' &c. 

6 John Frith (1503-33), of King's College, Cambridge, junior 
canon of Wolsey's College, Oxfordr, imprisoned there in 1528 for 
helping to circulate Tyndale's Testament, on his release went to 
Marburg; returning to England, was imprisoned (1532) and 


poore people might also reade and see the simple plaine 
woord of God. For first hee wisely casting in hys 
minde, perceiued by experience, how that it was not 
possible to stablish the lay people in any truth, except 
the Scripture were so plainly layde before theyr eyes in 
theyr mother tongue, that they myght see the processe, 
order, and meaning of the text : For els what so euer 
truth shuld be taught them, these enemies of the truth 
would quenche it againe, either wyth apparant reasons of 
Sophistrie, and traditions of their own making, founded 
without all ground of Scripture : either els iuggling with 
the text, expounding it in such a sense, as impossible it 
were to gather of the text, if the right processe, order, 
and meaning thereof were seene . . . 

For these and such other considerations, this good 
man was moued (and no doubt styrred vp of God) to 
translate the Scripture into his mother tongue, for the 
publicke vtility and profit of the simple vulgar people 
of the country : first, setting in hand with the newe 
Testament, whiche he first translated aboute the yeare 
of our Lord 1527.* After that he tooke in hand to 
translate the olde Testament, finishing the fiue bookes 
of Moyses, with sondry most learned and godly pro- 
logues prefixed before euery one, most worthy to be 
read and read againe of all good Christians : as the 
lyke also he did vpon the new Testament. 

Hee wrote also diuers other woorkes vnder sundry titles, 
among the which is that most worthy monument of his, 
intituled : The obedience of a Christian man : wherin 
with singulare dexteritie he instructeth all men in the 
office and duetie of Christian obedience, wyth diuers 
other treatises : as The wicked Mammon : The practise 
of Prelates, wyth expositions vppon certaine partes of 
Fox's mistake for 1525. 


the Scripture, and other Bookes also aunswearing to 
Syr Thorn. More and other aduersaries of the truthe, 
no lesse delectable, then also most fruitfull to be read, 
which partly before beyng unknowen vnto many, 
partly also being almost abolished and worne out by 
time, the Printer heereof (good Reader) for conseruing 
and restoring such singulare treasures, hath collected 
and set foorth in Print the same in one generall volume, 7 
all and whole together, as also the woorkes of John 
Frith, Barnes, and other, as are to be scene most special 
and profitable for thy reading. 

These bookes of W. Tyndal being compiled, published 
and sent ouer into England, it cannot be spoken what 
a dore of light they opened to the eies of the whole 
English nation, which before were many yeres shut vp 
in darkenesse. 

At his first departing out of the realme, he toke his 
iorny into the further parts of Germany, as into Saxony, 
where he had conference with Luther and other learned 
men in those quarters. Where, after that he had con- 
tinued a certen season, he came down from thence into 
the netherlands, & had his most abiding in the town of 
Antwerp, vntil the time of hys apprehension : wherof 
more shalbe said god willing hereafter . . . 

These godly bookes of Tindall, and specially the newe 
Testament of his translation, after that they began to 
come into mens handes, and to spread abroad, as they 
wroughte, great and singuler profite to the godly : so 
the vngodly enuying and disdaining that the people 
should be any thing wiser then they, and againe fearing 
least by the shining beames of truth, their false hypo- 

7 'The whole workcs of William Tyndall, John Frith and 
Doct. Barnes/ edited with biographical introductions by Fox 
and printed by John Day, 1573. 


crisie & workes of darkenesse should be discerned : 
began to stirre with no small ado, like as at the birth 
of Christ, Herode & al Jerusalem was troubled with him. 
But especially Sathan the prince of darkenes, maligning 
the happy course and successe of the Gospel, set to his 
might also, how to empeache and hinder the blessed 
trauailes of that man : as by this, and also by sondry 
other wayes may appeare. For at what time Tindall 
had translated the fift booke of Moises called Deutero- 
nomium, minding to Printe the same at Hamborough, 
hee sailed thereward : where by the way vpon the coast 
of Holland, he suffred shipwracke, by the which he loste 
all his bookes, wrytings and copies, and so was com- 
pelled to begin al againe a new, to his hinderance and 
doubling of his labors. Thus hauing lost by that ship, 
both money, his copies and time, he came in an other 
ship to Hamborough, where at his appoyntment M.Couer- 
dale taried for him, and helped hym in the translating 
the whole 5 bookes of Moises, from Easter till December, 
in the house of a worshipfull widowe, Maistres Margaret 
van Emmerson. Anno 1529. a greate sweating sicknesse 
being the same time in the Towne. So hauing dispatched 
his businesse at Hamborough, he returned afterward to 
Antwerpe againe. 8 

8 This paragraph first appeared in Fox's second edition (1570). 
It is so precise in its statements that Fox would seem to have 
written it from special information. It agrees with what we know 
of the state of affairs at Antwerp, where Wolsey's agent, Hackett 
(see No. XVI A-E.) made such a hue and cry after English- 
Lutheran books in December, 1526, and January, 1527, that it 
may well have seemed advisable to move a press and printing 
materials elsewhere. The Pentateuch ancl other books of this 
period profess to have been printed at ' Malborow [Marburg] in the 
land of Hesse ' by Hans Lufft, Luther's printer. 



This forms the preface to Tyndale's translation of Genesis in 
his version of the Pentateuch printed in 1530.* 

W. T. To the Reader 

WHEN I had translated the newe testament, I added a 
pistle vnto the latter ende, 2 In which I desyred them that 
were learned to amend [it] if ought were founde amysse. 
But oure malicious and wylye hypocrytes which are so 
stubburne and hard herted in their weked abhomin- 
acions that it is not possible for them to amend any 
thinge at all (as we see by dayly experience when their 
both lyvinges and doinges are rebuked with the trouth) 
saye, some of them that it is impossible to translate the 
scripture in to English, some that it is not lawfull for 
the laye people to have it in their mother tonge, some 
that it wold make them all heretykes, as it wold no doute 
from many thinges which they of longe tyme haue 
falsely taught, and that is the whole cause wherfore 
they forbyd it, though they other clokes pretende. And 
some or rather every one, saye that it wold make them 
ryse ageynst the kinge, whom they them selves (vnto 
their damnatyon) never yet obeyed. And leste the 
temporall rulars shuld see their falsehod, if the scripture 
cam to light, causeth them so to lye. 

1 This piece is given in this place because its interest lies chiefly 
in its narrative of Tyndale's experiences in London when he desired 
to translate the New Testament there. In this and the other 
English tracts printed abroad it should be noted that in the 
middle of words u and v are used indifferently. 

a The Epilogue to the Worms octavo, printed in full below. 
See No. X. 


And as for my translation in which they afferme vnto 
the laye people (as I haue hearde saye) 3 to be I wotte not 
how many thousande heresyes, so that it can not be 
mended or correcte, they haue yet taken so greate payne 
to examyne it, and to compare it vnto that they wold 
fayne haue it and to their awne imaginations and 
iugglinge termes, and to haue some what to rayle at, 
and vnder that cloke to blaspheme the treuth, that they 
myght with as little laboure (as I suppose) haue translated 
the moste parte of the bible. For they which in tymes 
paste were wont to loke on no more scripture then they 
founde in their duns 4 or soch like develysh doctryne, 
haue yet now so narowlye loked on my translatyon, 
that there is not so much as one I therin if it lacke 
a tytle over his bed, but they haue noted it, and 
nombre it vnto the ignorant people for an heresy, 
Fynallye in this they be all agreed, to dryve you from the 
knowlege of the scripture, and that ye shall not haue 
the texte therof in the mother tonge, and to kepe the 
world styll in darkenesse, to thentent they might sitt 
in the consciences of the people, thorow vayne super- 
stition and false doctrine, to satisfye their fylthy lustes 
their proude ambition, and vnsatiable couetuousnes, and 
to exalte their awne honoure aboue kinge & emperoure, 
yee and aboue god him silfe. 

A thousand bokes had they lever to be put forth 
agenste their abhominable doynges and doctrine, then 
that the scripture shulde come to light. For as longe 
as they may kepe that doune, they will so darken 
the ryght way with the miste of their sophistrye, and 
so tangle them that ether rebuke or despyse their 
abhominations with argumentes of philosophye and with 

8 The text omits the second bracket. 
* i,e. the commentaries of Duns Scotus. 


wordly 5 symylitudes and apparent reasons of naturall 
wisdom. And with wrestinge the scripture vnto their 
awne purpose clene contrarye vnto the processe, order 
and meaninge of the texte, and so delude them in des- 
cantynge vppon it with alligoryes, and amase them 
expoundinge it in manye senses 6 before the vnlerned laye 
people (when it hath but one symple litterall sense whose 
light the owles can not abyde) that though thou feale 
in thyne harte and arte sure how that all is false that 
they saye, yet coudeste thou not solve their sotle rydles. 

Which thinge onlye moved me to translate the new 
testament. Because I had perceaved by experience, 
how that it was impossible to stablysh the laye people 
in any truth, excepte the scripture were playnly layde 
before their eyes in their mother tonge, that they might 
se the processe, ordre and meaninge of the texte : for 
els what so ever truth is taught them, these ennymyes 
of all truth qwench it ageyne, partly with the smoke of 
their bottomlesse pytte wherof thou readest apocalipsis ix* 
that is, with apparent reasons of sophistrye and traditions 
of their awne makynge, founded with out grounde of 
scripture, and partely in iugglinge with the texte, 
expoundinge it in soch a sense as is impossible to gether 
of the texte, if thou see the processe ordre and meaninge 

And even in the bisshope of londons house I entended to 
have done it. For when I was so turmoyled in the contre 
where I was that I coude no lenger there dwell (the 
processe wherof were to longe here to reherce) I this 
wyse thought in my silfe, this I suffre because the 
prestes of the contre be vnlerned, as god it knoweth 

5 Worldly, the first 1 in which was often dropped. 
8 The ' sensus mysticus ' was a distinct department of Biblical 


there are a full ignorant sorte which haue sene no more 
latyn then that they read in their portesses 7 and missales 
which yet many of them can scacely read (excepte it be 
Albertus 8 de secretis mulierum in which yet, though 
they be neuer so soryly lerned, they pore day and night 
and make notes therin and all to teach the mydwyves 
as they say, and linwood 9 a boke of constitutions to 
gether tithes, mortuaryes 10 , offeringes, customs, and 
other pillage, which they calle, not theirs, but godes parte 
and the deuty of holye chirch, to discharge their con- 
sciences with all : for they are bound that they shall 
not dimynysh, but encreace all thinge vnto the vttmost 
of their powers) and therfore (because they are thus 
vnlerned thought I) when they come to gedder to the 
alehouse, which is their preachinge place, they affenne 
that my sainges are heresy. And besydes that they 
adde to of thir awne heddes which I never spake, as the 
maner is to prolonge the tale to shorte the tyme with all, 
and accuse me secretly to the chauncelare u and other 
the bishopes officers, And in deade when I cam before 
the chauncelare, he thretened me grevously, and revyled 
me and rated me as though I had bene a dogge, and 
layd to my charge wherof there coude be none accuser 
brought forth (as their maner is not to bringe forth the 
accuser) and yet all the prestes of the contre were that 
same day there. As I this thought the bishope of London 
came to my remembrance whome Erasmus (whose tonge 
maketh of litle gnattes greate elephantes and lifteth 
vpp above the starres whosoever geveth him a litle 

7 Breviaries 8 i, e. Albertus Magnus. 

* William Lyndewode's Pwuinciale, a digest of English canon 
law written in 1433. See above, No. I. 

10 Customary gifts claimed from the heirs of dead parishioners. 

11 i. e. the Bishop's Chancellor of the diocese. 


exhibition) prayseth excedingly amonge other in his 
annotatyons on the new testament for his great learninge. 
Then thought I, if I might come to this mannes service, 
I were happye. And so I gate me to london, and thorow 
the accoyntaunce of my master came to sir harry 
gilford 12 the kinges graces countroller, and brought him 
an oration of Isocrates which I had translated out of 
greke in to English, and desyred him to speake vnto 
my lorde of london for me, which he also did as he 
shewed me, and willed me to write a pistle to my lorde, 
and to goo to him my silf which I also did, and delivered 
my pistle to a servant of his awne, one Wyllyam hebil- 
thwayte, a man of myne old accoyntaunce. But god 
which knoweth what is within hypocrites, sawe that 
I was begyled, and that that councell was not the nexte 
way vnto my purpose. And therfore he gate me no 
favoure in my lordes sight. 

Wherevppon my lorde answered me, his house was 
full, he had mo then he coude well finde, and advised 
me to seke in london, wher he sayd I coude not lacke 
a service. And so in london I abode almoste an yere, 
and marked the course of the worlde, and herde oure 
pratars, I wold say oure preachers how they bosted 
them selves and their hye authorite, and beheld the 
pompe of oure prelates and how besyed they were as 
they yet are, to set peace and vnite in the worlde (though 
it be not possible for them that walke in darkenesse to 
continue longe in peace, for they can not but ether 
stomble or dash them selves at one thinge or another 
that shall clene vnquyet all togedder) and sawe thinges 
wherof I deferre to speake at this tyme, and vnderstode 
at the laste not only that there was no rowme in my lorde 
of londons palace to translate the new testament, but 

12 See note 3 to No. IV. 


also that there was no place to do it in all englonde, as 
experience doth now openly declare. 

Vnder what maner therfore shuld I now submitte this 
boke to be corrected and amended of them, which can 
suffer nothinge to be well ? Or what protestacyon shuld 
I make in soch a matter vnto oure prelates those stub- 
burne Nimrothes which so mightely fight agenste god 
and resiste his holy spirite, enforceynge with all crafte 
and sotelte to qwench the light of the everlastinge 
testament, promyses, and apoyntemente made betwene 
god and vs : and heapinge the firce wrath of god 
vppon all princes and rulars, mockinge them with false 
fayned names of hypocryse, and servinge their lustes 
at all poyntes, and dispensinge with them even of the 
very lawes of god, of which Christe him silf testifieth, 
Mathew v. that not so moch as one tittle therof maye 
perish or be broken. And of which the prophete sayth 
Psalme cxviij. Thou hast commaunded thy lawes to be 
kepte meod 13 , that is in hebrew excedingly, with all 
diligence, mighte and power, and haue made them so mad 
with their iugglinge charmes and crafty persuasions that 
they thinke it full satisfaction for all their weked ly vinge 
to torment soch as tell them trouth, and to borne the worde 
of their soules helth and sle whosoever beleve theron. 

Not withstondinge yet I submytte this boke arid all 
other that I have other made or translated, or shall in 
tyme to come (if it be goddes will that I shall further 
laboure in his hervest) vnto all them that submytte 
themselues vnto the worde of god, to be corrected of 
them, yee and moreover to be disalowed & also burnte, 
if it seme worthy when they have examyned it wyth 
the hebrue, so that they first put forth of their awne 
translatinge a nother that is more correcte. 



From the ' Commentaria loannis Cochlaei, de ActiS et Scriptis 
Martini Lutheri Saxonis chronographice ex ordine ab anno 
Domini 1517 usque ad annum 1546 inclusiue, fideliter conscripta. 
Apud S. Victorem prope Moguntiam, ex officina Francisci Behem 
typography 1549, pp. 132-135.' 1 

. . . Sed multo adhuc impudentiori audacia Lutherus 
aggressus est Regem Angliae, Hemicum VIII. Quern 
publice prius tot probris laedoriis, sannis atque calum- 
niis, ad populos & Nationes traduxerat. Ipse quidem 
affirmabat se illectum fuisse a Rege Daniae Christierno 
(qui e regnis suis profugus, exul, per Germaniam uaga- 
batur) ut ad ipsum scriberet Regem Angliae. Verum 
Duo Angli Apostatae, qui aliquandiu fuerant Vuitten- 
bergae, non solum quserebant subuertere Mercatores 
suos, qui eos occulte in exilio fouebant & alebant : 
Verum etiam cunctos Anglise populos, uolente nolente 
Rege, breui per nouum Lutheri Testamentum, quod 
in Anglicanam traduxerant linguam, Lutheranos fore 
sperabant. Venerant iani Coloniam Agrippinam, ui 
Testamentum sic traductum, per Typographos in multa 
Milia multiplicatum, occulte sub aliis mercibus deue- 
herent inde in Angliam. Tanta enim eis erat rei bene 
gerendaefiducia, utprimo aggressu peterentaTypographis, 
Sex Milia sub prselum dari. Illi autem subuerentes, ne 
grauissimo afi&cerentur damno, si quid aduersi accideret, 

1 Johann Dobneck, or as he called himself, Cochlaeus, bom in 
1479, proved himself next to Eck the keenest and most energetic 
controversialist on the Catholic side. He had already, in 1533 
and 1538, given two brief accounts of his exploit in routing 
Tyndale out of Cologne, and now in the last year of his life 
narrated it in full. He starts his story with Luther's unlucky 
second letter to Henry VIII, in which he tried to make his peace 
for his previous attacks. 


tantum Tria Milia sub praelum miserunt : Quae si 
fceliciter uenderentur, facile possent imprimi denuo. 
lam literas ad Sanctos, qui sunt in Anglia, praemiserat 
Pomeranus, 2 & ad Regem quoque scripserat ipse Lutherus. 
Cunque nouum Testamentum mox subsequuturum 
crederetur, tanta ex ea spe laetitia Lutheranos inuasit 
ac uanse fiduciae uento inflauit, ut gaudio distenti, ante 
diem ruperint secretum uanis iactationibus. Exulabat 
eo tempore Coloniae loannes Cochlaeus, Decanus Ecclesiae 
B. Virginis Francofordiensis, Qui per hospitem suum, 
Georgium Lauer, Canonicum ad Apostolos, Abbati 
Tuitiensi redditus familiariter notus, ubi audisset opera 
quaedam Ruperti Tuitiensis quondam Abbatis, mittenda 
esse Nurenbergam, ut a Lutheranis aederentur in publi- 
cum : coepit summo studio earn rem & dissuadere & 
impedire. Nam Lutherani in eum usque diem, cum 
omnes Bibliothecas antiquas diligentissime exquisiuissent 
ac discussissent, nullum prorsus autorem ex cunctis tot 
saeculorum Doctoribus Ecclesiae inuenire potuerunt, qui 
Lutheri dogmata comprobasset, Inuentum tandem 
illius Ruperti, qui ante 400. annos uixerat, opusculum, 
cui titulus erat, De Victoria uerbi Dei, mox Nurenbergae 
a Lutheranis euulgatum est. Quod suo titulo ita mox 
placuit omnibus Lutheranis, ut nihil uideretur eo autore 
desiderabilius. Interim ex Tritemio 3 intelligebant, ilium 
complura scripsisse opuscula, sed duo tantum paruula 
inuenerant. Quorum unum de potentia, alterum de 
uoluntate Dei inscriptum erat. In eorum aeditione 
multa Lutherice apposuerat Osiander, 4 uxoratus pres- 

8 Johann Bugenhagen, of Pomerania, Protestant theologian, 

8 i.e. from the Catalogs Illustriwn Virontm of Johann Tri- 
theim, abbot of the Benedictine monastery at Spanheim, which 
enumerates the writings of many early German authors. 

* Andreas Osiander, Protestant theologian, 1498-1553. 


byter & praedicator, quibus pium autorem impise sectse 
patronum facere tentabat. Et iam dudum egerant 
cum ipso Abbate Tuitiensi : ut reliqua Ruperti Opera 
Nurenbergam excudenda, transmit teret. Ille uero, ut 
i Cochlseo audiuit, quantum periculi foret ea in re, si 
pium autorem traderet in manus impiorum, qui eum 
non solum impiis prsefationibus & annotationibus fcede 
contaminaturi essent : Verum etiam integros & sanos 
illius sensus deprauaturi, ex Catholico antique facturi 
essent haereticum nouum, qui uideretur cuncta Lutheri 
dogmata ante annos 400. approbasse. Abbas igitur ille, 
uir bonus, mutata sententia, uolumina iam in grandem 
fascem compacta, uelut Nurenbergam transmittenda, 
apud se retinuit. In quo sane fasce erant xnii. libri in 
Euangelium loannis, xn, libri in Apocalypsim eiusdem, 
& xn. libri, de Diuinis Officijs. Cum autem Monachi 
quieturi non essent, nisi sederentur opera ilia : Cochlseus 
Petro Quentellio, 5 & Arnoldo Berckmanno sedulo 
suasit, ut communibus inter se impensis & lucris ea 
opera susciperent sedenda. Persuadere tamen non 
potuit, donee tandem omnem suam operam ad seditionem 
illam eis pollicitus esset. Cunque seditio ilia satis 
quaestuosa eis existeret, non egebant amplius impulsore 
Cochlseo, sed ipsimet ultro plura illius opuscula desidera- 
bant : rogantes nunc Abbatem, nunc Cochlaeum, ut 
undecunque plura conquirerent. Abbas itaque ex 
uetustis S. Benedict! Monasteriis perquisiuit XXXIL libros 
in xii. prophetas minores, & vn. libros in Canticum 
Canticorum. Cochlaeus uero inuenit Coloniae in Biblio- 
theca Maioris Ecclesise ix. libros, De glorificatione 
Trinitatis, & processione Spiritus sancti. Et in scholis 

6 Peter Quentell was a prominent printer at Cologne, and 
Arnold Birckmann a bookseller largely engaged in supplying 
books to the English market. 


Artium grande uolumen, quod de operibus Trinitatis 
inscriptum, XLII. complectebatur libros. E quibus in 
Genesim erant ix. In Exodum mi. &c. Cunque sciret 
Rupertum olim Leodij ad S. Laurentium fuisse Mona- 
chum, scripsit Theodorico Hezio, Canonico Leodiensi, 
quern Romse post obitum Adrian! VI. (cuius ille a Secretis 
intimus extiterat) familiarius cognouerat, obsecrans, ut 
is in eo Monasterio perquireret, quidnam ex Ruperti 
libris extaret. Ille ergo repperit maxime desideratum 
opus, xni. libros in Matthseum, de Gloria & honore filij 
hominis. Verum transmittere Coloniam non potuit 
Archetypum, nisi ipse cum duobus alijs Canonicis, pro 
restituendo exemplari, cuncta bona sua in hypothecam 
Monachis obligarent. Ea igitur uolumina uniuersa 
Cochlaeus, Moguntiam euocatus, secum detulit, atque ibi 
residens, ad seditionem praeparauit, Coloniamque aedenda 
remisit. Hinc Typographis Coloniensibus notior ac 
familiarior factus, audiuit eos aliquando inter pocula 
fiducialiter iactitare, Velint Nolint Rex & Cardinalis 
Anglise, totam Angliam breui fore Lutheranam. Audiuit 
item, duos ibi latitare Anglos, eruditos linguarumque 
peritos et disertos, quos tamen uidere aut alloqui 
mmquam potuit. Vocatis itaque in hospitium suum 
quibusdam Typographis, postea quam mero incaluissent, 
unus eorum in secretion colloquio reuelauit illi arcanum, 
quo ad Lutheri partes trahenda esset Anglia. Nempe 
uersari sub praelo Tria Milia Exemplarium Noui Testa- 
ment! Lutheran!, in Anglicanam linguam translati, ac 
processum esse iam usque ad literam Alphabeti K. in 
ordine Quaternionum. Impensas abunde suppeti a Mer- 
catoribus Anglicis, qui opus excusum clam inuecturi per 
totam Angliam latenter dispergere uellent, antequam Rex 
aut Cardinalis rescire aut prohibere possit. Cochlaeus 
intra se metu & admiratione uarie affectus, foris mira- 


bundus mcerorem dissimulabat. Altero autem die, 
periculi magnitudinem tristis secum expendens, cogitabat, 
quo nam pacto possit commode pessimis illis conatibus 
obsistere. Abijt igitur clam ad Hermannum Rinck, Pa- 
tricium Coloniensem, ac Militem Auratum, qui & Caesari 
& Regi Anglise f amiliaris erat & Consiliarius, eique rem 
omnem, ut acceperat uini beneficio, indicauit. Ille, ut 
certius omnia constarent, alium misit exploratum in earn 
domum, ubi opus excudebatur iuxta indicium Cochlsei. 
Cunque ab illo accepisset rem ita habere, & ingentem 
Papyri copiam ibi existere : adijt Senatum, atque effecit, 
ut Typographis interdiceretur, ne ultra progrederentur 
in eo opere. Duo Apostatae Angli, arreptis secum Qua- 
ternionibus impressis, aufugerunt, nauigio per Rhenum 
ascendentes Vuormaciam, ubi plebs pleno furore 
Lutherizabat, ut ibi per alium Typographum coeptum 
perficerent opus. Rincus uero & Cochlaeus de his mox 
admonuerunt literis suis Regem, Cardinalemque & 
Episcopum Roffensem, 6 ut qu&ndiligentissime prae- 
cauerent in omnibus Anglise portubus, ne merx ilia 
perniciosissima inueheretur. Ferunt Dominum Cuthe- 
bertum Tunstallum, uirum disertissimum, Episcopum 
tune Londinensem, nunc Dunelmensem, cum adeptus 
fuisset unum ex illis exemplaribus, in maxima concione 
ad populum Londini publice affirmasse, supra duo Milia 
deprauationum atque peruersitatum se in uno opere illo 
depraehendisse. Dum haec agerentur, peruenit tandem 
in inanus Regis Angliae epistola Lutheri, 7 quarn is anno 
superiore scripserat Vuittenbergse, prima die Septembris. 

6 Bishop Fisher. 

7 Epistola Martini Lutheri ad Henricum viii Anglias ac Francise 
Regem, et in qua veniam petit eorum quae prius stultus in 
eundem regem effuderit. 



With a hardihood even still more impudent Luther 
approached the King of England, Henry VIII, whom 
he had previously traduced in public before peoples 
and nations with so many slanders, revilings, gibes, and 
calumnies. His own contention was that he had been 
enticed by King Christiern of Denmark (who was wander- 
ing about Germany as a fugitive exile from his realm) to 
write to the King of England. But two English apostates 
who had been sometime at Wittenberg were not only 
seeking to undo their own merchants, who were secretly 
supporting and maintaining them in exile, but were also 
hoping that all the peoples of England, whether the King 
liked it or not, would shortly become Lutherans by means 
of the New Testament of Luther which they had trans- 
lated into English. They had already come to Cologne 
that thence they might convey to England, secretly, 
under cover of other goods, the Testament so translated 
after it had been multiplied by printers into many 
thousands. For they had so much confidence of manag- 
ing the business well that at the first onset they asked 
of the printers that six thousand should be printed. The 
printers, however, fearing a very heavy loss if anything 
went wrong, sent only three thousand copies to press, 
on the ground that if these were successfully sold they 
could easily be printed afresh. Already Bugenhagen 
had sent forward letters addressed ' To the Saints who 
are in England ', and Luther himself had also written 
to the King. When it was believed that the New Testa- 
ment would quickly follow, so great joy from that hope 
seized the Lutherans and inflated them with vain con- 

8 Partly based on that in Anderson's Annals of the English 


fidence, that, swollen with delight, they prematurely 
broke their secret by their idle boasts. 

At that time Johann Dobneck, Dean of the Church of 
the Blessed Virgin at Frankfort, was living in exile at 
Cologne, and through his host, Georg Lauer, Canon at [the 
church of] the Apostles, he was put on familiar terms with 
the Abbot of Deutz. On hearing, therefore, that certain 
works of Rupert, a former Abbot of Deutz, were to be 
sent to Nuremberg for publication by the Lutherans he 
began very zealously to dissuade from and hinder the 
business. For down to that time the Lutherans, although 
they had most diligently searched and ransacked all the 
old libraries, could find not a single author of all the 
Doctors of the Church for so many centuries whom they 
could quote as favouring the doctrines of Luther. At 
last there was discovered a little book of this Rupert, who 
had lived 400 years before, with the title On the Victory 
of the Word of God, and this was presently published by 
the Lutherans at Wittenberg, its title giving all the 
Lutherans so much pleasure that nothing could seem 
more delightful than the author. Meanwhile they 
learnt from Tritheim that he had written many small 
works, but they had only discovered two little ones, of 
which one was entitled On the Power, the other On the 
Will of God. In editing these, Osiander, a married priest 
and preacher, made many additions in the Lutheran 
manner in the endeavour to turn the pious author into 
the patron of an impious sect. They had now for some 
time been treating with the Abbot of Deutz to send the 
rest of the works of Rupert to Nuremberg to be printed. 
But the Abbot, as soon as he heard from Dobneck what 
danger there would be in delivering the pious author 
into the hands of impious editors, who would not only 
contaminate him foully with impious prefaces and notes, 


but would corrupt his upright and sound opinions and 
out of an ancient Catholic make a modern heretic who 
should seem to have approved all Luther's doctrines 
400 years before, the Abbot, I say, good man, changed 
his mind and kept in his own custody the volumes which 
had already been tied up in a bulky parcel to be sent to 
Nuremberg. In this parcel there were fourteen books 
on the Gospel of S. John, twelve books on the Apocalypse, 
and twelve on the Divine Offices. When, however, the 
monks were not to be quieted without these works being 
published, Dobneck put pressure on Peter Quentell and 
Arnold Birckmann to undertake their publication as 
a joint venture. But he could not persuade them to 
do this, until he had finally promised to give the edition 
all the help in his power. The venture proving profit- 
able enough the publishers no longer needed Dobneck's 
incitement, but of their own accord began to look out 
for more of Rupert's little books, asking now the Abbot, 
now Dobneck, to hunt out more from wherever they 
could. The Abbot accordingly searched out from old 
Benedictine monasteries thirty-two books on the twelve 
Minor Prophets, and seven on the Song of Songs. Dob- 
neck on his part discovered at Cologne, in the library of 
the greater Church, nine books on the Glorifying of the 
Trinity and the Procession of the Holy Spirit, and in the 
School of Arts a large volume entitled On the Works of 
the Trinity in forty-two books, of which nine were on 
Genesis, four on Exodus, &c. And when he learnt that 
Rupert had been formerly a monk at LiSge he wrote to 
Dietrich Heze, Canon of Li&ge, whom he had known 
intimately at Rome after the death of Adrian VI, to 
whom he had been a privy councillor, and besought him 
to search in that monastery for any books of Rupert's 
that could be found. The Canon lighted upon a work 


much in request, the thirteen books on Matthew, On the 
Glory and, Honour of the Son of Man. But he could not 
send the original to Cologne until he himself and two 
other canons pawned all their property to the monks as 
a pledge for its return. All these volumes, therefore, 
Dobneck, when he was called away to Mainz, took with 
him, and while he was living there prepared them for 
publication and sent them to Cologne to be published. 

By all this business Dobneck had become pretty inti- 
mate and familiar with the Cologne printers, when one day 
he heard them boasting confidently over their wine that 
whether the King and Cardinal of England liked it or no, 
all England would soon be Lutheran. He heard also that 
there were there in hiding two Englishmen, learned, skilled 
in languages and ready of speech, whom, however, he could 
never see nor speak to. Dobneck therefore asked certain 
printers to his inn and, after he had warmed them with 
wine, one of them in confidential talk revealed to him the 
secret by which England was to be brought over to 
the side of Luther namely that there were in the press 
three thousand copies of the Lutheran New Testament 
translated into English, and that in the order of the quires 
they had got as far as letter K ; funds were being freely 
supplied by English merchants who meant secretly to 
import the work when printed and disperse it surrep- 
titiously through all England before King or Cardinal 
could discover or forbid it. 

Alarmed and bewildered as he was, Dobneck dis- 
guised his grief under an appearance of admiration ; 
but the next day, weighing the greatness of the danger, 
he began to think by what means he could conveniently 
thwart the wicked project. He went, therefore, secretly 
to Hermann Rinck, a patrician of Cologne, and military 
knight, intimate with the Emperor and the King of 


England and of their counsel, and to him disclosed the 
whole business as, thanks to the wine, he had heard it. 
Rinck, to make more certain, sent another person to 
the house where, according to Dobneck's discovery, the 
work was being printed, to search. When this man 
reported that the facts were as stated, and that a great 
quantity of paper was lying there, Rinck approached 
the Senate and brought it about that the printers were 
forbidden to go on with the work. The two English 
heretics, hastily taking with them the printed quires, 
made their escape by boat up the Rhine to Worms, 
where the people were all mad on Luther, in order that 
there by another printer they might complete the work. 
Rinck and Dobneck, on their part, presently advised the 
King, Cardinal, and Bishop of Rochester of the affair by 
letters, so that they might take diligent precautions at 
all the English ports to prevent these pernicious wares 
being imported. It was while this affair was in progress 
that there reached the hands of the King of England the 
letter of Luther which he had written the year before at 
Wittenberg, on September ist. 


From a letter to Henry VIII, written by Edward Lee, after- 
wards ( 1531 ) Archbishop of York, dated December 2. Cotton MS. 
Vespasian, C. Ill, fol. 211. 

Please it your highnesse morover to vnderstond, that 
I ame certainlie enformed as I passed in this contree, 
that an englishman your subiect at the sollicitacion and 
instaunce of Luther, with whome he is, hathe translated 
the newe testament in to Englishe, and within four dayes 
entendethe to arrive with the same emprinted in England. 
I nede not to aduertise your grace, what infection and 


daunger maye ensue heerbie, if it bee not withstonded. 
This is the next waye to fulfill your realme with luthe- 
rians, for all Luthers peruerse opinions bee grownded 
vpon bare wordes of scriptur not well taken ne vnder- 
standed, wiche your grace hathe opened 1 in sondrie places 
of your royall booke. All our forfaders gouenors of the 
chirche of England hathe with all diligence forbed 
& exchued publicacion of englishe bibles, as appereth in 
constitutions prouincall of the chirche of Englond. 
Nowe sire as god hathe endued your grace with Christian 
couraige to sett forthe the standard against thees 
Philistees & to vanquish them, so I doubt not but that 
he will assist your grace to prosecute & performe the 
same, that is to vndertreade them that they shall not 
nowe againe lift vppe their hedds, wiche they endevor 
no we by meanes of englyshe bibles. They knowe what 
hurte suche bookes hathe doone in your realme in tymes 
passed. Hidretoo blessed bee god, your realme is save 
from infection of luthers sect, as for so mutche that 
althowgh anye peradventure bee secretlie blotted within, 
yet for feare of your royall maiestie, wiche hathe drawen 
his swerd in godes cawse, they dare not openlie avowe. 
Wherfor I can not doubte but that your noble grace wil 
valiauntlie maynetaine that you have so noblie begonne. 
This realme of fraunce hathe been somewhat tooched 
with this sect, in so mutche that it hathe entred amongs 
the doctors of parisse, wherof some bee in prison, some 
fled, some called in ludicium. The bisshoppe also of 
Meulx called Molday is summoned for that cause, for he 
suffred luthers peruerse opinions to bee preached in his 
diocese. Faber 2 also a man hidretoo noted of excellent 
good lief and lernyng is called among them, but some 

1 Expounded. 

8 Jacques Lefevre d j Etaples, the translator of the Bible. 


saye heer for displeassure, wiche I can well thinke. The 
Parliament of Parisse hathe had mutche businesse to 
represse this sect. And yet blessed be god, your noble 
realme is yet onblotted. Wherfor lest anye daunger 
myght ensue, if thees bookes secretlie shold bee browght 
in, I thowght my duetie to advertise your grace therof, 
considering that it toochethe your highe honor, & the 
wealthe & intregrite of the christen fayth within your 
realme wiche can not long endure, if thees bookes may 
come in. ... At Burdeaulx the second Day of Decembre 

Your most humble preest, subiect & almesman 

Edouardo lee. 

[Endorsed: 'To the kinges higness p . . . th 3 the 
same thing.'] 


From The Life of John Frith, by Foxe, prefixed to Frith 's 
writings in Foxe's edition of The Whole Workes of W. Tyndall^ 
lohn Frith and Doct. Barnes. London, John Day, 1573. 

Not long after the sayd William [Tyndale] & lohn 
Frith had many metinges and great conferences, and by 
the sayd William he f yrst receaued into his hart the seede 
of the Gospell and sencere godlines, & after with great 
perill and Daunger they both being inquired & sought 
for, fled. William Tyndall first placed him selfe in 
Germany, and there did first translate the Gospell of 

8 The damaged word may be ' proveth '. The king was warned 
also by Dobneck, Rinck, and probably others. 


S. Mathewe 1 into Englishe, and after the whole new 
testament &c. And not long after the departure of 
Tyndall, lohn Frith escaped and fled into Flaunders, etc. 


From the unique copy of the Cologne fragment of 1525 
in the British Museum. 

The Prologge 

I haue here translated (brethren and susters moost 
dere and tenderly beloued in Christ) the newe Testament 
for youre spirituall edyfyinge, consolacion, and solas : 

Exhortynge instantly and besechynge those that are 
better sene in the tonges then y, and that have hyer 
gyftes of grace to interpret the sence of the scripture, and 
meanynge of the spyrite, then y, to consydre and pondre 
my laboure, and that with the spyrite of mekenes. And 

] Compare the reference of Robert Ridley (No. XIII) to the 
' commentares and annotations in Mathew & Marcum in the 
first print ', and that of Robert Necton (No. XIX) to ' the chapiters 
of Matthew '. In the Confession of John Tyball, a Lollard, 
charged with heresy (printed by Strype, Memorials, I. ii. 50-56, 
from Bishop Tunstall's Register), one paragraph reads : ' Further- 
more, he saythe, that abowght ii. yeres agon he companyed with 
Sir Richard Fox Curate of Bumstede, and shewid hym al his 
bookys that he had : that is to say, the New Testamente in 
Englishe, the Gospel of Matthew and Mark in Englishe : which 
he had of John Pykas of Colchester, and a book expoundyng the 
Pater Noster, etc.* All these references fall a little short of a 
decisive proof that the gospels of Matthew and Mark in Tyudale's 
version were printed separately, otherwise than in the ten quires 
set up at Cologne for Tyndale in 1525. Perhaps the easiest hypo- 
thesis is that Tyndale completed the Cologne fragment at Worms 
to the end of Mark, and put this in circulation, subsequently 
printing an entirely fresh quarto at Worms. 


yf they perceyue in eny places that y have not attayned 
the very sence of the tonge, or meanynge of the scrip- 
ture, or haue not given the right englysshe worde, that 
they put to there handes to amende it, remembrynge that 
so is there duetie to doo. For we have not receyved the 
gyftes of god for oureselues only, or forto hyde them: but 
forto bestowe them vnto the honouringe of god and 
christ, and edyfyinge of the congregacion, wchich is the 
body of christ. 

The causes that moved me to translate, y thought 
better that other shulde ymagion, then that y shulde 
rehearce them. 

More over y supposed yt superfluous, for who ys so 
blynde to axe why lyght shulde be shewed to them that 
walke in dercknes, where they cannot but stomble, and 
where to stomble ys the daunger of eternall dammacion, 
other so despyghtfull that he wolde envye eny man 
(y speake nott his brother) so necessary a thinge, or so 
bedlem madde to affyrme that good is the naturall cause 
of yuell, and derknes to precede oute of lyght, and that 
lyinge shulde be grounded in trougth and verytie, and 
nott rather clene contrary, that lyght destroyeth derck- 
nes, and veritie reproveth all manner lyinge. 

After hit had pleasyd god to put in my mynde, and 
also to ge[v]e me grace to translate this forerehearced 
newe testament in[t]o oure englysshe tonge, howesoever 
we have done it. I supposed yt very necessary to put 
you in remembraunce of certayne poyntes, which are : 
that ye well vnderstand what these wordes meane. C The 
olde testament. CThe newe testament. CThe lawe. 
CThegospelL C Moses. C Christ. C Nature. C Grace. 
CWorkinge and belevynge. GDedes and faythe, Lest 
we ascrybe 1 , to the one that which belongeth to the 
1 Misprinted 'astrybe.' 


other, and make of Christ Moses, of the gospell the Lawe, 
despise grace and robbe faythe : and fall from meke 
lernynge into ydle despicionns 2 , braulinge and scold- 
ynge aboute wordes. 

The olde testament is a boke, where in is wrytten 
the lawe and commaundmentes of god, and the dedes 
of them which fulfill them, and of them also which fulfill 
them nott. 

The newe testament is a boke where in are coteyned 
the promyses of god, and the dedes of them which beleue 
them or beleue them nott. 

Euangelion (that we cal the gospel) is a greke worde, 
& signyfyth good, mery, glad and ioyfull tydinges, that 
maketh a mannes hert glad, and maketh hym synge, 
daunce and leepe for ioye As when Davyd had kylled 
Golyath the geaunt, cam glad tydinges vnto the iewes, 
that their fearfull and cruell enemy was slayne, and they 
delyvered oute of all daunger : for gladnes were of, they 
songe, daunsed, and wer ioyfull. In lyke manner is the 
evangelion of god (which we call gospell, and the newe 
testament) ioyfull tydinges, and as some saye : a good 
hearing publisshed by the apostles through oute all the 
worlde, of Christ the right Davyd howe that he hathe 
fought with synne, with dethe, and the devill, and over 
cume them. Whereby all men that were in Bondage to 
synne, wounded with dethe, ouercum of the devill, are 
with oute there awne merrittes or deservinges losed, 
iustyfyed, restored to lyfe, and saved, brought to libertie, 
and reconciled vnto the favour of god, and sett at one 
with hym agayne : which tydinges as many as beleve 
laude prayse and thancke god, are glad, synge and 
daunce for ioye. 

This evangelion or gospell (that is to saye, suche ioyfull 

a Discussions. 


tydinges) is called the newe testament. Because that as 
a man when he shall dye apoynteth his gooddes to be 
dealte and distributed after hys dethe amonge them 
which he nameth to be his heyres. Even so Christ before 
his dethe commaunded and appoynted that suche 
evangelion, gospell, or tydynges shulde be declared 
through oute all the worlde, and there with to geue vnto 
all that beleve all his gooddes, that is to saye, his lyfe, 
where with he swalowed and devoured vp dethe : his 
rightewesnes, where with he bannyshed synne : his 
salvacion, wherewith he overcam eternall damnacion 3 . 
Nowe can the wretched man (that is wrapped in synne, 
and is in daunger to dethe and hell) heare no moare 
ioyus a thynge,then suche glad and comfortable tydinges, 
of Christ. So that he cannot but be glad and laugh from 
the lowe bottom of his hert, if he beleve that the tydynges 
are trewe. . . . 


From the Facsimile of the edition of Worms 1526, published 
in 1862. 

To the Reder 

Geve diligence Reder (I exhorte the) that thou come 
with a pure mynde, and as the scripture sayth with 
a syngle eye, vnto the wordes of health, and of eternall 
lyfe : by the which (if we repent and beleve them) we 
are borne a newe, created a fresshe, and enioye the frutes 
off the bloud of Christ. Whiche bloud cryeth not for 
vengeance, as the bloud of Abel : but hath purchased, 
lyfe, love, faveour, grace, blessynge, and whatsoever is 
8 Misprinted 'damancion.' 


promysed in the scriptures, to them that beleve and obeye 
God : and stondeth bitwene vs and wrathe, vengeaunce, 
cursse, and whatsoever the scripture threateneth agaynst 
the vnbelevers and disobedient, which resist, and consent 
not in their hertes to the lawe of god, that it is ryght, 
wholy, iuste, and ought soo to be. 

Marke the playne and manyfest places of the scrip- 
tures, and in doutfull places, se thou adde no interpre- 
tacion contrary to them : but (as Paul sayth) let all be 
conformable and agreynge to the fayth. 

Note the difference of the lawe, and of the gospell. 
The one axeth and requyreth, the wother perdoneth and 
forgeveth. The one threateneth, the wother promyseth 
all good thynges, to them that sett their trust in Christ 
only. The gospell signifieth gladde tydynges, and is 
nothynge butt the promyses off good thynges. All is 
not gospell that is written in the gospell boke : For if 
the lawe were a waye, thou couldest not know what the 
gospell meante. Even as thou couldest not se perdon, 
favour, and grace, excepte the lawe rebuked the, and 
declared vnto the thy sinne, mysdede, and treaspase. 

Repent and beleve the gospell as sayth Christ in the 
fyrst of Marke. Applye all waye the lawe to thy dedes, 
whether thou finde Iuste in the bottom of thyne hert to 
the lawe warde : and soo shalt thou no dout repent, and 
feale in the silfe a certayne sorowe, payne, and grefe to 
thyne herte : because thou canst nott with full Iuste do 
the dedes off the lawe. Applye the gospell, that is to saye 
the promyses, vnto the deservynge off Christ, and to the 
mercye of god and his trouth, and soo shalt thou nott 
despeare : butt shalt feale god as a kynde and a merci- 
full father. And his sprete 1 shall dwell in the, and shall 
be stronge in the : and the promises shalbe geven the at 
1 Spirit. 

I 2 


the last (though not by and by a , lest thou shuldest f orgett 
thysylfe, and be negligent) and all threatenynges shalbe 
f orgeven the for Christis blouddis sake, to whom commit 
thy silfe all togedder, with out respect, other of thy good 
dedes or of thy badde. 

Them that are learned Christenly, I beseche : for as 
moche as I am sure, and my conscience beareth me 
recorde, that of a pure entent, singilly and faythfully 
I have interpreted itt, as farre forth as god gave me 
the gyfte of knowledge, and vnderstondynge : that the 
rudnes off the worke nowe at the f yrst tyme, offende them 
not : but that they consyder howe that I had no man to 
counterfet, nether was holpe with englysshe of eny that 
had interpreted the same, or soche lyke thinge in the 
scripture before tyme. Moreover, even very necessitie 
and combraunce (God is recorde) above strengthe, which 
I will not rehearce, lest we shulde seme to bost ourselues, 
caused that many thynges are lackinge, which neces- 
saryly are requyred. Count it as a thynge not havynge 
his full shape, but as it were borne afore hys tyme, even 
as a thing begunne rather then fynnesshed. In tyme to 
come (yf god have apoynted vs there vnto) we will geve 
it his full shape : and putt out yf ought be added super- 
fluusly : and adde to yff ought be oversene thorowe 
negligence : and will enfoarce to brynge to compen- 
deousnes, that which is nowe translated at the lengthe, 
and to geve lyght where it is requyred, and to seke in 
certayne places more proper englysshe, and with a table 
to expounde the wordes which are nott commenly vsed, 
and shewe howe the scripture vseth many wordes, which 
are wother wyse vnderstonde of the commen people, and 
to helpe with a declaracion where one tonge taketh nott 
another. And will endever oureselves, as it were to sethe it 
a Immediately. 


better, and to make it more apte for the weake stomakes : 
desyrynge them that are learned, and able, to remember 
their duetie, and to helpe therevnto : and to bestowe 
vnto the edyfyinge of Christis body (which is the congre- 
gacion of them that beleve,) those gyftes which they have 
receaved of god for the same purpose. The grace that 
commeth of Christ be with them that love hym. praye 
for vs. 


Extract from ' A copy of the letters, wherin the most redouted 
& mighty prince our souerayne lorde kyng Henry the eyght . . . 
made answere vnto a certayne letter of Martyn Luther. London, 
Rycharde Pynson [1526-27] (Sig. Av recto.) 

So came it than to passe, that Luther at laste, par- 
ceyuyng wyse men to espye hym, lerned men to leaue 
hym, good men to abhorre hym, and his frantyke 
fauourers to fall to wracke, the nobles and honest 
people in Almaygne, beynge taught by the profe of his 
vngratyous practyse, moche more hurt &myschefe to 
f olowe therof , than euer they loked after, deuysed a letter 
to vs written, to abuse them and all other natyons, in 
suche wyse, as ye by the contentes therof herafter shal 
well perceyue. In whiche he fayneth hymselfe to be 
enformed, that we be tourned to the fauour of his secte. 
And with many flateryng wordes, he laboreth to haue vs 
content that he myght be bolde to write to vs in the 
mater, and cause of the gospell. And thervpon without 

1 Luther's letter was dated September i, 1525. The King's 
answer in the Latin edition, which differs from the English, is 
dated 1526. This English edition probably belongs to March, 


answere had from vs, nat onely publysshed the same 
letter and put it in print, of purpose that his adherentes 
shulde be the bolder, vnder the shadowe of our f auour, 
but also fell in deuyce with one or two leude persons, 
borne in this our realme, for "the translatyng of the Newe 
testament in to Englysshe, as well with many corruptions 
of that holy text, as certayne prefaces, and other pesty- 
lent gloses in the margentes, for the aduauncement and 
settyng f orthe of his abhomynable heresyes, entendynge 
to abuse the gode myndes and deuotion, that you oure 
derely beloued people beare, towarde the holy scrypture, 
& to enfect you with the deedly corruption and con- 
tagious odour of his pestylent errours. In the aduoyd- 
ynge wherof, we of our especiall tendre zele towardes 
you, haue with the deliberate aduyse of the most reue- 
rende father in god, Thomas lorde Cardynall, legate de 
Latere of the see Apostolyke, Archebysshop of Yorke, 
primate and our Chauncellour of this realme, and other 
reuerende fathers of the spyritualtye, determyned the 
sayde corrupte and vntrue translatyons to be brenned, 
with further sharpe correction & punysshment against 
the kepars and reders of the same, rekenyng of your 
wisdomes very sure that ye wyll well and thankfully 
parceyue our tendre and louyng mynde towarde you 
therin, and that ye will neuer be so gredy vppon any 
swete wyne, be the grape neuer so plesaunt, that ye wyll 
desyre to taste it, beyng well aduertised that your enemy 
before hath poysoned it. 


The beginning and end of the preface to Tyndale's Parable of 
the Wicked Mammon Printed at Malborowe in the londe off 
Hesse by Hansluft the viij. day of May Anno M.D.xxviij. 

William Tyndale otherwise called hychins to the 

Grace and peace with all maner spirituall fealinge and 
livinge worthy of the kyndnes of Christ, be with the 
reader and with all that thurst 2 the will of God Amen. 
The cause why I sett my name before this little treatyse 
and have not rather done it in the new testament is that 
then I folowed the cownsell of Christ which exhorteth 
men Matth. vj. to doo theyr good deades secretly and to 
be content with the conscience of well doynge, and that 
God seeth vs, and paciently to abyde the rewarde of the 
last daye, which Christ hath purchased for vs and now 
wold fayne have done lykewyse, but am compelled other 
wyse to doo. 

While I abode afaythfull companyon 3 which now hath 
taken another vyage apon him to preach Christ where 
(I suppose) he was never yet preached (God which putt in 
his herte thither to goo sende his sprite with him, comf orte 
him and bringe his purpose to good effecte) one William 

1 Roy, who had studied at Cambridge, was a Franciscan, and 
belonged to a convent at Greenwich. The sequence of Tyndale's 
paragraphs suggests that Roy had been claiming some more 
important part in the translation of the New Testament than 
the facts justified. The passage is printed here because in several 
of the hostile references the ' two apostates ' are treated as on an 
equality, whereas, according to Tyndale, Roy was merely his 

a This is probably meant for ' trust ' rather than for ' thirst '. 

8 Presumably Frith. 


Roye, a man somewhat craftye when he cometh vnto 
new accoyntaunce and before he be thorow knowen and 
namely, when all is spent, came vnto me and offered his 
helpe. As longe as he had no money, somewhat I could 
ruele him, but as sone as he had goten him money, he 
became lyke him selfe agayne. Neuer the lesse I suffered 
all thinges till that was ended which I coulde not doo alone 
without one both to write and to helpe me to compare 
the textes together. When that was ended I toke my leve 
and bode him farewell for oure two lyves, and as men 
saye a daye longer. After we were departed 4 he went, 
and gate hym new frendes which thinge to doo he 
passeth all that ever I yet knewe. And there when he had 
stored him of money he gote him to Argentine 5 where he 
professeth wonderfull faculties and maketh bost of no 
small thinges. A yere after that and now xij. monethes 
before the printinge of this worke, came one Jerom 
a brother of Grenewich 6 also, thorow wormes to Argen- 
tine, saienge that he entended to be Christes disciple 
a nother while and to kepe (as nye as God wolde geve 
him grace) the profession of his baptim, and to gett his 
lyvinge with his handes, and to live no lenger ydely and 
of the swete and laboure of those captives which they had 
taught, not to beleve in Christ : but in cuttshowes 7 and 
russet coetes. Which Jerom wyth all diligence I warned 
of Royes boldnesse and exhorted him to bewarre of him 
and to walke quyetly and with all pacience and longe 
sofferinge acordinge as we have Christe & his Apostles 
for an ensample, which thinge he also promised me. 
Neverthelesse when he was comen to Argentine William 

4 Separated. 6 Strassburg. 

fc Jerome Barlow, presumably of Roy's convent at Greenwich. 
7 I cannot explain this word. Russet coats are those of the 


Roye (whos tonge is able not only to make foles sterke 
madde, but also to disceave the wisest that is at the first 
sight and accoyntannce) gate him to him and sett him 
a werke to make rimes, 8 while he him selfe translated 
a dialoge 9 out of laten in to englisch, in whose prologe he 
promyseth moare a greate deall than I fere me he will 
ever paye. . . . 


They wolde devide you from Christe and his holy 
testamente, and ioine you to the pope to beleve in his 
testamente and premisses. Some men wil aske para- 
uenture why I take the laboure to make this worke in as 
moch as they will brunne it seinge they brunt the Gospel 
I answare in brunninge the new testamente they did none 
other thinge then that I loked for, no more shal they doo 
if the[y] brunne me also if it be gods will it shall so be. 
Neverthelesse in translatinge the new testamente I did 
my dutye, and so doo I now, and will doo as moch more 
as god hath ordened me to doo. And as I offered that to 
all men to correcte it, whoso ever coulde even so doo 
I this. Who so euer therfore readest thys, compare it 
vnto the scripture. If gods worde beare recorde vnto it 

9 i.e. the tract in verse known as Rede me and be not wroth, 
printed at Strassburg by Johann Schott in 1528. 

9 i.e. The Dialogue between the Father and the Son t also printed 
in 1528 at Strassburg by Johann Schott. The authorities at 
Strassburg were persuaded by Wolsey's agent, Hermann Rinck 
(see No, IV, pp. 103 and 107), to order Schott to deliver the copies of 
this tract to him on payment of his bill. It was believed that with 
the exception of two they were all destroyed, but Mr. Robert Steele 
has lately shown (Bibliographical Society's Newsheet, January, 
1911) that they must have been brought to England and delivered 
in Edward VI 's reign to a printer named Walter Lynne, who 
cancelled the preliminary half-sheet, and reissued the text in 
1550, with a new introduction, under the title The true belief in 


and them also felest in thine herte that it is so be of good 
comfort and geve god thankes . Iff gods worde condemne 
it, then hold it acursed, and so do all other doctrines. 
As Paul counseleth his galathiens. Beleve not every 
spyrite sodenly, but iudge them by the worde of god 
which is the triall of all doctrine and lasteth for ever 


Letter from Robert Ridley, chaplain to the Bishop of London, 
to Henry Gold, chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury, dated 
February 24, almost certainly of the year 1527. From British 
Museum Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 362''. 

Maister gold I hartly commaunde me vnto you, as 
concernyng this common & vulgare translation of the 
new testament in to englishe, doon by M. William 
hichyns, other wais called M. W. tyndale & frear William 
roy, manifest lutheranes heretikes & apostates, as doth 
opynly apeir not only by their daily & continuall com- 
pany & familiarite with Luther & his disciples, but 
mych mor by their comentares & annotations in Mathew 
& Marcum, in the first print, also by their preface in the 
2d prent, 1 & by their introduccion in to the epistle of 
paule ad romanes, al to gither most posoned & abhomin- 
able hereses that can be thowht, he is not filius ecclessiae 

1 See No. VIII. A few lines lower down Ridley writes of ' the 
first prent with annotationes in Matthew and Marcus & the 
preface ' as if the annotations and preface came in the same book 
or fragment. If what he calls the ' 2d prent ' contained the intro- 
duction to Romans it cannot have been the Cologne fragment. 
Despite some confusion it seems as if his ' first prent ' must be 
the Cologne fragment, and his ' 2d prent ' the Worms unannotated 


christi that wold receaue a godspell of such damned & 
precised heretikes, thowh it wer trew lyk as paule & our 
saviour christ, wold not take the trew testimonial of evil 
spretes that prased christe treith (?) saying quod filius 
dei erat, & quod ipse paulus seruus esset veri dei. As 
for errors, if ye haue the first prent with annotationes in 
Mathew and Marcus, & the preface al is mere frenesy, he 
saith that euangelium nihil est aliud quam dulcis pro- 
missio gratiae, so that by that meanes, penitentiam 
agite [Matt. iii. 2] 2 , is no part of the evangelion, the 
pater noster is no part of the godspell, ' ite maledicti in 
ignem eternum ' [Matt. xxv. 41], no part of the evan- 
gelion, but only such appropinquavit regnum celorum 
[Matt. iii. 2], inuenietis requiem animabus vestris 
[Matt. xi. 29], Also he writeth in that preface & anno- 
tationes that there is no difference between virginite & an 
hoor of the stewes, if she cum to repentaunce, Also that 
lyk as no man doth evil to the extent that he show[d] 
be punyshed or hanged there for, so no man showd do 
good to haue any rewarde therfor contra ad faciendas 
iustificationes tuas propter retributionem [Ps. cxix. 112] 
et ad Hebrseos [xi. 26] de Mose aspiciebat enim in 
remuneratorem alias remunerationem et illud facite 
vobis amicos de mammona, ut cum defeceritis recipiant 
eos in eterna tabernacula [Luke xvi. 9], Also that by 
good warkes we do no thyng merite, contra illud ad 
Corinthos ut referat unusquisque prout gessit siue 
bonum siue malum [2 Cor. v. 10] et illud genes, [xxii. 16] 
ad Abram quia fecisti hanc rem etc. item illud Matthsei 
quod sitiui et dedistis mihi potum [Matt. xxv. 35] &c. 
et venite benedicti patris mei [Matt. xxv. 34]. Also 
he saith that he that doth any thyng to haue hy place in 
heven, he is satanice & luciferine supervius. I have none 
8 The references in brackets are all here added. 


of thies bowkes but only I remembre such thynges 
I redde in the prefaces & annotationes. As for the texte 
of the godspell, first the title is hereticall saying that it is 
prent as it was writen by the evangelistes : cum neque 
consentiat cum antiqua translatione neque cum erasmica 
this is the bowk of generacion of ies[us] the son of 
Abraham & also the son of david. Cum in archetypo sit 
nominatus absolutus et in illo filii Abraham filiiDauid &c. 
[Matt. i. i] fit sensus ipse unum solum affert eumque 
minus germanum ; voluit clam ab ea diuertere he wold 
have put hir away [Matt. i. 10] ; in quo omnes peccaue- 
runt ad Romanes [iii. 12] in so mych that every man hath 
synned, et homo stultissime poenitentiam agite [Matt, 
iii. 2], repent. By this translation shal we losse al thies 
Christian wordes, penance, charite, confession, grace, 
prest, chirche, which he alway calleth a congregation, 
quasi turcharum et brutorum nulla esset congregatio nisi 
velit illorum etiam esse ecclesiam : Idololatria callith he 
worshyppyng of images, I wold that ye showd have 
seen my lordes bowkes. As for the translation in franche 
withowt any postille it is for certane condemned in 
parys decreto publico thow it be trewly doon, condemned 
I say that it shal not be lawfull to publishe it to every 
layman, bot by prestes quorum labia custo[diunt] 
scpentiam] so it was in the olde law & in the tyme of 
the apostles. Vide Sutorem de Translatione Bibliae. 3 

I certefy you if ye look well, ye shal not look iij lynes 
withowt fawt in al the bowk, bot I haue not the bowk to 
marke them owt, ye showd haue had lasure your selff to 
have doon it, how be it, it becummyth the people of 
truste to obey & folowe their rewellers which hath geven 
study & is lerned in such matters as thys. People showd 

3 Petrus Sutor's ' De tralatione Bibliae et nouarum reprobatione 
mterpretationum ', Paris, J. Petit, 1525. 


heir & beleve, thai showd not iudge the doctrine of paule 
ne of paule vicares & successors bot be Judged by their 
learnyng, as long as thai knaw no thyng contrary goddes 
lawes as saynt bernard saith most goodly & clerkly in 
libro de dispensatione & precepto. Vale in al haist 

Yo r awn 

Robert Ridley prest. 

item idem pauli stultas questiones devita &c. [2 Tim. 
ii. 23], bewarre of fowlishe problemes or questiones in 
the scoles, Hoc procul dubio dictum in odium scolastice 
theologie & universitatum. Such a thyng is in the 
translation, thowh it be not in the same wordes. Ego 
& pater unum sumus [John x. 30], We are on quasi 
diceret unus sumus & not on substance or on thyng. 

Shew ye to the people that if any be of so prowde & 
stuburne stomac that he will beleve ther is no fawt ne 
error except it be declared to hym that he may se it, latt 
hym cum hither to my lordes which hath profowndly 
examined al & he shal heir & se errors except that he be 

blynde & have no eys. 

24 February. 

Master Gold I pray you be good to this pore whoman 
Gylbarttes whyff as yet your tenaunt. 4 

Ye shal not neede to accuse this translation, it is 
accused & damned by the consent of the prelates & 
learned men, and comanded to be brynt both heir & 
beyonde the see, wher is many hundreth of theym 
brynt. So that it is to layt now to ask reson why thai 
be condemned, & which be the fawtes & errores. Luther 
& his scoole teachith quod nos non cooperamus cum 

* Added in a different handwriting at the foot of the first page. 


gratia del sed tantum patimur ut saxa et stipites, 
bycawse of that, this texte non ego sed gratia dei 
inecum [i Cor. xv. 10], thus is translate not I hot the 
grace of god in me. Quam hoc heretice, maligne, sedi- 
ciose et falso translatum sit, qui non perpendit stupidus 
est. My lorde your maister hath of thies bowkes geven 
& send to hym by my lorde my master. 

Shew the people that ye be cum to declare vnto them, 
that certane bowkes be condemned by the cownsell and 
profownde examination of the prelates & fathers of the 

[Addressed] : To Master henry golde chaplayne to my 
lorde of Canterbury, at Knolle. 


From 'A dyaloge of syr Thomas More ', 1529, as No. II. (fol.lxxix.) 

The thyrd booke. The viij chapyter. 

The author shewethe why the new testament of Tyn- 
dales translacyon was burned, & shewith for a sample 
certain wordes euill & of euyll purpos changid. 

But now I pray you let me kno your mynd concernyng 
the burning of the new testament in english, which Tindal 
lately translated, & (as men say) right wel, whiche 
makethe men mich meruayl of the burning. 

It is, quod I, to me gret meruayl, that eny good cristen 
man hauing eny drop of wyt in hys bed, wold eny thing 
meruell or complayn of the burning of that boke if he 
knowe the mater which who so callith the new testament 
calleth it by a wrong name, except they wyl call yt 
Tyndals testament or Luthers testament. For so had 


tyndall after Luthers counsayle corrupted & chaunged 
yt from the good & holsom doctryne of Criste to the 
deuylysh heresyes of theyr own, that it was clene a 
contrary thing. 

That were maniayle quod your frend that it shuld be 
so clene contrary, For to som that red it yt semed very 

It ys quod I neuer the lesse contrary, and yet the more 
peryllous. For like as to a trew siluer grote a fals coper 
grote is neuer the lesse contrary thogh yt be quyk 
syluered ouer, but so mych the more false in how mich 
it is counterfeted the more lyke to the trouth, so was the 
translacion so mich the more contrary in how mich it 
was craf tely deuysed like, and so mych the more peryllus 
in how miche it was to folke vnlernyd more hard to be 

Why quod your frend what fautes wer ther in yt ? 

To tell you all that quod I were in a maner to reherse 
you all the hole boke, wherin ther were founden and 
noted wrong & f alsly translated a boue a thousand textes 
by tale. 

I wolde quod he fayn here some one. 

He that shuld quod I study for that, shuld study where 
to finde water in the see. But I wyll shewe you for 
ensample two or thre suche as euery one of the thre ys 
more than thryes thre in one. 

That were quod he very straunge except ye mene more 
in weyght. For one can be but one in nomber. 

Surely quod I as weyghty be they as eny lyghtly can 
be. But I mene that euery one of them is more than 
thryes thre in nomber. 

That were quod he sumwhat lyke a rydel. 

This rydell quod I wyl sone be red. For he hath 
mystrandated .iii. wordes of gret weyght & euery one 


of them is as I suppose more than thryes three tymes 
repeted and rehersed in the boke. 

Ah that may well be quod he, but that was not well 
done. But I pray you what wordes be they ? 

The tone ys quod I this word prestys. The tother, 
the chyrch. The thyrd charyte. For prestis wher so 
euer he speketh of the prestes of Crystis chirch he neuer 
calleth them prestes but alway senyours, the chyrch he 
calleth alway the congregacyon, and charyte he callyth 
all loue loue. Now do these names in our englysh tong 
neyther expresse the thyngis that be ment by them, and 
also there appereth (the circumstaunces well considered) 
that he had a mischeuous mind in the chaunge. For 
fyrst as for prestes and presthed though that of old they 
vsed comenly to chese wel elderly men to be prestes, & 
ther fore in the greke tong prestys wer called presbeteri, 
as we myght say elder men, yet nether were all prestes 
chosen old as apperyth by sainte Poule wryting to 
Timotheus, nemo iuuentutem tuam contempnat let no 
man contempne thy youth, nor euery elder man is not 
a prest. And in our englysh tonge thys word senyor 
sygnyfieth nothing at al, but is a french word vsed in 
englysh more than halfe in mockage, whan one wyll call 
a nother my lord in scorn. And if he mene to take the 
laten worde senyor, that word in the laten tong neuer 
sygnyfyed a prest but only an elder man. By whych 
name of elder men yf he wold call the prestes englishly, 
than shold he rather sygnify theyr age than theyr offyce. 
And yet the name doth in english plainly sygnify thalder- 
men of the cyties, and nothyng the prestys of the chyrch. 
And thus may we perceyue that rather than he wolde 
call a prest by the name of a prest, he wold seke a new 
word he neyther wyst nor cared what. 

Now where he calleth the chyrch alway the congre- 


gacyon, what reson had he therin ? For euery man well 
seeth that though the chyrch be in dede a congregation, 
yet is not euery congregation the chirch bu[i] a congre- 
gation of cristen peple, whiche congregacion of crysten 
peple hath ben in englond alway called & known by the 
name of the chirch, which name what good cause or 
colour could he find to torn into the name of congregacion, 
whych worde is comen 1 to a company of cristen men or 
a company of turkys ? 2 . . . 

Ibid. fol. Ixxx. col. 2. 

For now yt ys to be consydered that at the tyme of 
thys translacyon hychens was wyth Luther in wytten- 
berge, and set certayne glosys in the mergent, framed 
for the settyng forthe of that vngracious sect. 

By saynt John quod your frende yf that be true that 
Hychens were at that tyme with Luther, it is a playne 
token that he wrought sumwhat after hys counsayle, 
and was wyllynge to helpe hys maters forwarde here. 
But whyther Luthers matters be so badde as they be 
made for, that shall we see hereafter. 

Very true quod I. But as touchyng the confederacy e 
betwene Luther and hym, is a thyng well knowen and 
playnly confessed, by suche as haue ben taken and 
conuycted here of herysye comyng from thense, and 
some of them sente hyther to sowe that sede aboute 
here, and to sende worde thyther fro tyme to tyme how 
yt sprang. 

But now the cause why he chaunged the name of 
charyte and of the chyrche and of presthed, is no very 
grete dyffyculte to perceyve. For sithe Luther and his 
felowes amonge other theyre damnable heresyes haue 
one, that all our saluacyon standyth in fayth alone, and 

1 common. ' * Turks. 



toward our saluacyon nothynge force of good workys, 
therfore yt semeth that he laboreth of purpose to 
mynyshe the reuerent mynd that men here to charyte, 
and therfore he chaungeth that name of holy vertuous 
affeccyon, in to the bare name of loue comen 1 to the 
vertuouse loue that man berith to god, & to the lewd 
loue that is bytwene flekke & his make. 3 And for by 
cause that Luther vtterly denyeth the very catholyque 
chyrche in erthe, and sayth that the chyrch of Crist is 
but an vnknowen congregacyon of sum folke, here ii & 
there iii, no man wot where hauyng the ryght fayth, 
whych he calleth onely hys owne new forgede faythe, 
therfore Hichens in the new testament can not abyde 
the name of the chyrch, but turneth it into the name of 
congregacyon, wyllyng that yt shuld seme to englysh 
men, eyther that Cryste in the gospell had neuer spoken 
of the chirch, or ellys that the chyrche were but such 
a congregacyon as they myghte haue occasyon to say, 
that a congregacyon of some such heretyques were the 
chyrch that god spake of. 

Now as towchinge the cause why he chaunged the 
name of prest into senior, ye muste vnderstand that 
luthere and his adherentys holde thys heresye, that all 
holy order ys nothyng. And that a prest is nothyng ellys, 
but a man chosen among the peple to preche, and that 
by that choyce to that offyce he is preste by and by 
wythoute eny more ado, and no preste agayne whan so 
euer the people chese a nother in hys place, and that 
a preestys offyce is no thynge but to preche. For as for 
saynge masse and herynge of confessyon and absolucyon 
theruppon to be geuen, all thys he sayethe that euery 
man woman and childe may do as well as eny preste, 

3 A contemptuous expression for a man and his paramour 
(Oxf. Eng. Diet.). 


Now doth Hychen therfore to set forthe thys opynyon 
wythall after hys masters herysye putte awaye the 
name of preste in hys translacyone, as thoughe preste- 
hede were nothyng, where so euer the scrypture speketh 
of the prestys that were amonge the lewes, there dothe 
he in hys translacyon call theym styll by the name of 
prestis. But where so euer the scrypture spekith of the 
prestys of Christis chyrche, there doth he put away the 
name of prest in his translacyon, bycause he wold make 
hyt seme that the scrypture dyd neuer speke of eny 
prestys dyfferent from leymen amonge chrysten peple. 


Text and translation from Fox's Acts and Monuments (first 
edition). John Day, 1563, pp. 449, 450. 

A prohibition sent out by Cuthberth Tunstall 
Byshop of London, to the Archedeacons of his dioces, 
for the calling in of the newe Testamentes translated 
into Englyshe. 1 

Cvtbertus permissione diuina Lond. Episcopus dilecto 
nobis in Christo Archidiacono nostro Londo. 2 seu eius 
official! salutem gratiam & benedictionem, Ex pastoralis 
officij nostri debito ea quae ad subiectorum nostrorum 
periculum et maxime ad internetionem animarum 

1 Fox adds -here the words ' with diuers other bookes, the 
Cataloge whereof hereafter ensueth '. But the list of books 
which he mistakenly appends belongs to a later date than 
October 1526, when this prohibition was issued. In reprinting 
Fox's text a few obvious misprints have been corrected. 

2 Fox notes ' The like commission in like manner and forme 
was sent to the thre other Archdeacones, of Middlesexe, Essex, 
and Colchester, for the execution of the same matter, vnder the 
Byshoppes scale '. 



earundem tendere dinoscuntur, salubriter propellere 
& totis viribus extirpare astringimur, sane ex fide 
dignorum relatione ipsaque rei euidentia, ad nostram 
iamdudum peruenit noticiam, quod nonnulli iniquitatis 
filij ac Lutheriane factionis ministri quos summa exce- 
cauit malicia a via veritatis & orthodoxe fidei declinantes 
sanctum del euangelium in vulgare nostrum Anglicanum 
subdola versutia transferentes ac nonnullos hereticae 
prauitatis articulos & opiniones erroneas perniciosas 
pestiferas, scandalosas & simpliciurn mentium seductiuas 
intermiscentes, illibatam hactenus sacre scripture maie- 
statem, suis nepharijs & tortuosis interpretationibus 
prophanare, & verbo domini sacrosancto & recto sensu 
eiusdem callide et peruerse abuti tentarint. Cuius 
quidem translationis nonnulli libri impress! quidam 
cum glosis, quidam sine glosis vt accepimus dictum 
pestiferum et perniciosum virus in vulgari idiomate in 
se continentes in promiscuam nostrarum dioc. et 
iurisdictionis Lond. multitudine sunt dispersi, qui sane 
gregem nobis commissum nisi citius prouideatur tarn 
pestifero veneno et mortifero prauitatis hereticae morbo 
proculdubio inficient et contaminabunt in animarum 
nobis commissarum graue periculum et diuine maiestatis 
grauissimam offensam. Vnde nos Cutbertus episcopus 
ante dictus de predictis magnopere dolentes et antiqui 
hostis calliditati ire, quam suis satdlitibus ad animarum 
subditorum nostrorum interemptionem subministrat, 
obuiam curaque pastorali super grege nobis commisso 
diligenter inuigilare ac remedia oportuna premissis 
adhibere cupientes, vobis coniunctim et diuisim comit- 
timus ac firmiter in virtute sancte obediencie qua nobis 
tenemini iniungendo, mandamus quatenus autoritate 
nostra moneatis monerive faciatis omnes et singulos 
tarn exemptos quam non exemptos, infra vestrum 


Archidiaconatum vbHibet commorantes, quatenus infra 
xxx. dierum spacium quorum quidem dierum decem 
pro primo, decem pro secundo, et decem pro tertio 
et peremptorio termino sub excommunicationis poena 
ac criminis, hereseos suspitionis incurrende eis assignarnus 
omnes et singulos huiusmodi libros translationem noui 
testament! in vulgarem linguam factam continentes ad 
nos seu nostrum in spiritualibus vicarium generalem 
inferant et realiter tradant. Et quid in premissis feceritis 
nos aut vicarium nostrum huiusmodi infra duos menses 
a die data presentium debite certificare personaliter vel 
per literas vestras patentes vna cum presentibus autentice 
sigillatas non omittatis sub poena contemptus. Dat. 
sub sigillo nostro 24. die mensis Octobris An. M.D. 26. 
nostrse cons. An. quinto. 

Thus in Englyshe 

Cutbert by the permission of god, byshop of London, 
vnto our weUbeloued in christ the Archdeacon of London, 
or to his official!, helth grace and benediction. By the 
deuty of our pastorall office, we are bounde diligently 
with all our power to forsee, prouide for, roote out and 
put away all those things, which seme to tende to the 
peril! and daunger of our subiectes and specialy the 
distinction of ther soules, wherfor we hauing vnderstand- 
ing by the reporte of diuers credible persones, and also 
by the euident apparaunce of the matter, that many 
children of iniquitie mainteiners of Luthers sect, blinded 
through extreame wickednes, wandring from the way of 
truth and the catholike faith, craftely have translated 
the new testament into our English tongue, enter- 
medling there with many hereticall articles and erronious 
opinions, pernicious and offensiue, seducing the simple 
people, attempting by their wicked and peruerse inter- 


pretations, to prophanate the maiestie of the scripture, 
whiche hetherto hath remayned vndefiled, and craftely 
to abuse the most holy word of God, and the true sence 
of the same, of the whiche translation there are many 
bokes imprinted, some with gloses and some without, 
conteining in the english tongue that pestiferous and 
moste pernicious poyson dispersed throughout all our 
dioces of London in great nomber, whiche truely without 
it be spedely forsene without doubt will contaminate 
and infect the flocke committed vnto vs, with moste 
deadly poyson and heresy. To the greuous perill and 
daunger of the soules committed to our charge, and the 
offence of gods diuine maiestie. Wherfore we Cuthbert, 
the byshop aforesaid, greuously sorowing for the pre- 
misses, willing to withstande the craft and subteltie of 
the auncient enemy and his ministers, which seke the 
destruction of my flock, and with a diligent care to take 
heade vnto the flocke committed to my charge, desiring 
to prouide spedy remedies for the premisses, we charg 
you iointly and seuerally, and by vertue of your obedience, 
straightly enjoyne & comaund you that by our autorytie 
you warne or cause to be warned, all and singuler 
aswell exempte as not exempt, dwelling with in your 
Archdeacons that with in xxx. daies space, wherof ten 
daies for the first, x for the second and x. for the third 
peremptory terme, vnder payne of excommunication, and 
incurring the suspicion of heresie, they do bring in and 
really deliuer vnto our vicar-generall, all and singular 
such books conteyning the translation of the new 
testament in the English tongue, and that you doo 
certyfie vs or our said comissary, within ii monthes, 
after the day of the date of these presents, dewly, 
personally or by your letters, together with these 
presentes, vnder your scales, what you haue done in the 


premisses, under paine of contempt, geuen vnder our 
seale the xxiii. of October, in the v. yeare of our con- 


Extract from a letter of John Hackett 1 to Wolsey, November 24, 
1526 (Letters and Papers of Hen. VIII, vol. iv, 2652). From the 
original in the Record Office. 

Aftyr my comyng here to thys towne, I haue send 
prively to all places here to know surly, wher that thys 
nywe translatyd volumes be pryntyd In Inglishe, or to 
be sold, & as I haue fownd by Inquesission ther be tweyn 2 

1 One of Wolsey's confidential agents. 

8 One of these two printers of English heretical books was 
Christopher van Endhouen, also known as Christopher van 
Ruremond, the printer of the first Antwerp New Testament, 
1526 ; the name of the other is not known. From the fact that 
only Christopher is subsequently mentioned it is possible that 
this other printer was Hans van Ruremond (presumably a kins- 
man of Christopher), who had been convicted by the town 
council on October 30, 1525, of printing Lutheran books, and 
ordered to leave the town and go on a pilgrimage to the Holy 
Blood at Wilseraken in Prussia (see Duff, Westminster and London 
Printers, p. 223). Mr. Duff writes : ' Christopher left m Antwerp 
soon afterwards started on the very dangerous undertaking of 
printing English New Testaments, which were sent into England 
and sold there by Hans. In 1528 in the table of certain persons 
abjured within the diocese of London we find " John Raimund 
a Dutchman for causing fifteen hundred of Tyndale's New 
Testaments to be printed at Antwerp and for bringing five 
hundred into England ". John Raimond is clearly the English 
form of Jan Roemundt [otherwise Hans van Ruremond] and is 
probably identical with the Dutchman who earlier in the year 
was in the Fleet for having sold to Robert Necton some 200 or 


In thys towne that pryntys & syllys the sayd bokes, 
wherfore I wrott sodenly to my lord of palermo 3 That 
he shold aduertyse my lady 4 & requyre hyr that she 
shold make comandment to the margrave of thys towne 
to se thys emirs Remedyyd, whych mediatly she has 
done, & I was thys day meselfe with the sayd margrave 
& have had long comm[un]ycasion to gyddyr, & showd 
me the sayd lady ys 5 letter, whych was wrytten In very 
good forme, & att a conclusion he promest me by hys 
f aythe that he wyll do hys ottermust best to fulfyll my 

300 copies of the New Testament. On a previous page (218) 
Mr. Duff recorded how a certain Jan Silverlink recovered April 4, 
1531, from the heirs of Francis Birckmann (a member of the 
same family of book-agents as the Arnold Birckmann mentioned 
by Cochlaeus, cp. No. VI, p. 101) the balance of an account of 
28 175. 3<Z. for 700 New Testaments, obviously delivered on 
behalf of Hans or Jan van Ruremond, since the heirs were 
allowed to deduct a debt due from him to Birckmann. Mr. Duff 
identifies Christopher van Endhouen or Van Ruremond with the 
Antwerp bookseller named Christopher, of whom Fox writes, under 
the year 1531, that for selling certain New Testaments in English 
to John Row, bookbinder, he was thrown into prison at West- 
minster, and there died. This is confirmed by his business being 
found after this date in the hands of his widow (see No. xxvii, A. B. ). 
Hans van Ruremond is further identified by Mr. Duff with the 
' John Holibusche alias Holybusche of London, Stationer other- 
wise bookbinder, born in Ruremond under the obedience of the 
Emperor ' on a London list of denizens in 1535, and through this 
entry with the Johan Hollybushe whose name was put by John 
Nycholson of Southwark on the title-page of his second edition of 
the Latin -English New Testament in 15 38 (' Faythfullye trans- 
lated by Johan Hollybushe ') after his quarrel with Coverdale. 
This would not, of course, imply that the Dutch bookseller had 
really revised Coverdale's work, but merely that Nycholson 
desired to provide himself with a scapegoat. 

3 The Archbishop of Palermo. 

4 Margaret of Savoy, Archduchess of Austria, Regent of the 

6 Hackett's way of forming the possessive case. 


ladyys commandment, the kynges hyghnes & yowr 
grace ys mynd & dessyr. In thys matner & all odyr 
wher he may do hys hyghnes or your grace any honor 
plessure or seruys convenient. 

I send your grace here Inclosed ij of thys nywe trans- 
latyd volumes In Inglyshe. of the whych sorte I tryst 
or xiiij dayys cum to an end to se agrett meyne of them 
af yre, & as shortly as I can ther shalbe adefens 6 made 
to all the Inprimurs of thys contre that from hens- 
forward They shall nott pryme neddyr by ne syll 7 non of 
syche lyke bokes & what ther shalbe don I wyll aduer- 
tysse your grace praynge the holy trynyte to preserwe 
your grace wher euer ye be, from andwerpe The xxiiij 
day of novembre. 1526. 

per your humbyll Bedesman. John Hackett. 
Addressed : ' Legat ys good grace.' 


Extract from letter of John Hackett to Wolsey, December 22, 
1526 (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. iv, 2721). Printed 
from Cotton MS. Galba B. IX. 37, which like many other Cotton 
MSS. has been damaged by fire. 

. . . By my last lettris datyd the xvij fch day of thys 
monythe I wrott to [Mr.] Bryan tuck 1 how that the lordes 
of the towne of andwerpe showyd [to] me that thei had 
submyttyd them selfs as towchynge the correccion 
o[f] thys nywe bokes In Inglyshe, to be or dry d aftyr the 

* i. e. a prohibition. 

7 They shall not print, neither buy nor sell. 
1 This letter of December 17, 1526, to Sir Brian Tuke, has not 
been preserved. 


dyscression [and] avyse of the lady margrett 2 and hyr 
consell, And aftyr thys conclusion takyn, the forsayd 
lordes came to the cowrte wher I was present, & [I] 
showyd to the sayd consell. howe that I made grett 
dylygence to se the for[sayd] bokes bowrnt & the 
Inprimwrs to be crimynally punnyshyd acordyng to 
the . . . merytees, & that they have had in party the 
examinacion of the sayd impri[murs]. 

But consyderynge that syche byssynes as thys ys 
towchys both lyf e [and goods] the sayd lordes of andwerp 
declaryd vnto the forsayd consell that thei th [ought] nott 
in no wysse to Juge apon the example of anothyr Juge 
ys Ju[gement] wythowt thei hawe perfytt knowlege apon 
the fowndment & reyson that [thei] may do hytt, 
Desyrynge the sayd consell that thei myght haue the 
sayd [bokes] translatyd in to lattyn or duche, so that 
they myght wnderstand the [menin]ge. Where apon 
that thei may gywe the sentence, to the whych the off 3 the 
prive consell wold lyghtly consent, But I answeryd 
apon [that] artycle that hytt were not convenyent to 
permit that syche translation] shold be don in thys syde 
of the sees, for lafully I wold suspect [eny] that wolds 
medyll In the same, They answeryd me that the [iuges] 
Ought not to iuge without they knewe the f owndement 
of the cawse. I answerd them that the kynge my 
sowerayne lord & master ys lettris were sufficient Inoughe 
for the defence of syche a cawse, and for the condem- 
nation of thys bookes & all syche othyr lyke erytycke 
scriptours as has ben condemnyd & bowrnd In Ingland, 
They answeryd me agayne that yi that the kynges 
highnes or your grace had send them hyther of euery 
booke one of syche lyke as ye haue bowrnd there, that 

2 Margaret of Savoy. 

3 ' the off ' must be read ' they oi '. 


fyndynge syche bookes here thei wold do syche lyke 
lustyce, Yea there has ben one of them that sayd that 
euery contre hawe ther owne lawys & that the Juges 
of thys centres ought as well to know where apon thei 
shall Juge. as owr Juges knowys what they have 
Jugyd, & apon what grownd hytt standes. But to cum 
to a conclusion af tyr many arguments, nott as in fowrme 
of consell, but mediatly to brynge owr matur to an 
effecte, I toke apon me to wryte wnto yowr grace, & that 
within short tyme. yow shall send to the lady margrett, 
or to the forsayd lordes of andwerpe sufficient certy- 
ficacion with one or tweyne or tre off syche lyke bokes, 
whyche as were condemnyd & bowrnt In Ingland : 
whych I supose ye have kept sum for syche an intent, 
& here apon the lordes off the prive consell defferyd the 
translacion of the forcayd bokes, & requyrd me to 
wryte wnto yowr grace to have the same, & that thei 
wold as fayne do the Justyce apon syche lyke cawsys, 
as we to desyre ytt, & that as sone as your good answere 
cumys, that thei wyll admynystre the lustys In syche 
fowrme & maner that ther shalbe suffycient correccion 
don apon them that do offende, Whych surly I certefye 
yor grace hytts very ness ess ary & tyme to be done, 
afore the end of thys barro 4 markett, But the fyrst 
begynynge & execusion must be done in the towne of 
andwerpe whych ys the fowntayne of sych tynges, 
& here with all othyr places shall take an ensample, 
& consyderynge that thys byssynes requyres dylygence, 
I send thys paper post purposely vnto yowr grace to 
have yowr gracious answere & Instruccions when ye 
tynke the tyme. 
And yf hapent that yowr grace had nott ressewit sum 

4 Barro or Barrow, the English form of Berghen op Zoom, 
a port in North Brabant, 


othyr bookes of thys translations, as I have send yow 
her before, now att all aventures, I yow with thys 
inclosyd one of syche lyke, as has ben impryntyd in the 
sayd towne of andwerpe, of the whyche be arestyd in 
the Justyce their handes ny a iii abydyng sentence, 
& yf yowr grace haue any othyr of syche lyke bookes, 
hytt were nessessary to send one of euery sorte hydyr 
to the condemnasion of all syche othyrs as we can fynd 
in thys partyys . . . mechlyn the xxij th day of dessember. 


per yowr hummyl Bedesman 

John Hackett. 

Extract from letter of John Hackett to Brian Tuke, January 4, 
I52f (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. iv, 2778). Printed 
from Cotton MS. Galba B. IX. 38. 

My last wrytyng vnto your grace was datyd the 
22 day of dessember which letter derecktyd I post to 
my lord legattes grace, only for the recovering of sych 
bokes as ye have send me now with yowr wrytyng 
datyd the xp day of the forsayd monyth which be cum 
too my handes a monday last was at after dynner, 
And sodenly the same day betwx four & fyve of clock 
I came to audyence in the preve counsel!, & aftir I 
schowd them aparty of the substance of your wrytyngs 
vnto me, be my [lord] legattes comandment, & schowyng 
them the forsayd bookes awant syngnyd 1 with my lord 
of londonys hand wrytyng, the lord of hooghestrat 2 
& monsieur de Palermo 3 ordynyt & concludyd that 
my lady schold wryt to the margr[ave] & consell of 

J avant [?] signed, signed at the beginning. 
z Antoine de la Lalaing, Count of Hochstrate. 
8 The Archbishop of Palermo. 


the towne of andwerp to do Ju[stice] & corexion apon 
all sych lycke bookes as the[y] can fynd in ther lemyttes 
or Juredyctyons, & so hyt has ben don, & I delyuyrd 
me self the sayd lady ys lettrys to the forsayd mar- 
[grave] in pressens of the hole consell of the sayd towne 
of andwerp & aftir that they had the redy[ng] of the sayd 
letters, they answered me in good maner that they schold 
do ther dewoy acordyng to ryght & raysson & that 
within f o[wer] days I shall knowe howe they sail precede 
in th[ys] byssenys, my trust ys that they sail do well. 

From andwerp the iiij th day of lenne . . . 1526 
per yowr own John Hackett. 


Extract from Letter of John Hackett to Wolsey, January 12, 
152? (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. iv. 2797). Printed 
from Cotton MS. Galba B. IX. 40. 

Plesse yowr grace to vnderstand that my last lettris 
vnto yowr grace was datyd xxijt* day of December. & 
synnes I hawe ressewt 1 a lettyr fro Mr. bryan tuke 
d[atyd] the xi th day off the sayd monyth & with the 
sayd lettyr I ressewyth syche . . . Bookes as I dessyred 
by my last wrytyng vnto your grace, the whych bookes 
lyke ... I hawe wrytten to the sayd Mr. tuke the fowrthe 
day of thys present monyth. Trywe hytt ys that by the 
avysse off thees lordes of the prive consell, I del[yuered] 
them with the lady margrett ys lettris wnto the lorde mar- 
grave off andwerpe in presens of all the lordes that 
admynystris the lawys nowe in the sayd to[wne] off 
andwerpe. And aftyr that they had red the sayd lady 
ys lettris, & visityd [my] lorde off london ys veryficacion 
1 received. 


in the fyrst levys of the forsayd bookes, w[ith] grett 
honor & reuerence they made answere wnto me that 
they wold gladl[y] do ther devoyre, and that within iij or 
iiij dayes ther aftyr that I shjpld] know ther resolute 

Where apon I desyred them in the kyng my souerayne 
lorde & maisteris na[me] for the incressynge & preser- 
uacion of owr crysten feythe & for the anychiljatyon] & 
extyrpacion off the malycious sept lutherianen that in 
as muche as h[yt] apers by one off syche orygynall bookes 
as were condemnyd & bowrnt in Ingland whyche was 
ther present afore them, & that hytt apers playnly that 
ther [ys] no deference nethyr defuculte, but that in the 
text of ther bookes that [were] imprynted in thys towne, 
ther conteynes all syche errures & herissees as conteyne[d] 
in the text of the forsayd condemnyd & bownt bookes, 
requirenge them that they showld do apon the sayd 
bookes that be here, syche correccion & punission as ye 
& dayly ys done apon syche lyke & semblabell heretyke 
bookes in Ingland. 

The sayd lordes answeryd me agayne that within the 
space aforesaid I showlde know ther intere resolution. 

In the space of the whyche tyme the margrave aforsayd 
as the Emperor is officer dfesyred] Justyce to be done, 
declarynge to the sayd lordes how that hytt aperyd by 
the verification] off my lorde the byshope off london 
that in the text off the bookes that be inp[rinted] in thys 
towne, conteynes all the same errures & heresees as has 
conteyned . . . the text off the orygynall bookes that were 
condemnyd & bownt in Ingland [as] hytt may apere by 
one of the sayd orygynall bookes whych ys no we h[ere] 
present, & ought to be sufficient profe & certifycacon to 
collacion the tone by the todyr. Wherfore & consyder- 
ynge that the Emperor had commandyd apon peyne off 


bany [shment] & to lese the tyrd part off hys goodes that 
showld inprime syche errures or ... as thys be, that the 
Inprimer of the say d bokes namyd Christof er endhowe . . ? 
ought to be banyshyd owte off all the Emperor is landes 
& centres & that t [he] tyrd part off all hys goodes showld 
be confyskyd in the Emperor is han[dis] & all the forsayd 
Englyshe bookes bowrnt to the fyre acordynge to the 
Emperor is last mandment apon syche lyke eryssees. 

And ther beynge present the Inprimure of the forsayd 
bookes, hys atorney or procurer spake . . . spal for hym, 
sayenge that he had nott offendyd the Emperor ys 
mandment nedyr that he had nott inprymed no bookes 
with heryssees. And more sayd forthe that the Emperor 
is subiectes beynge in the Emperor is centres and in land 
of Justyce, ought nott to be Jugyd nedyr condemnyd by 
the sentence or condemnacion of the lawys or luges off 
eny othyr centres concludynge by the lawe that the luges 
of thys centres ought nott to gyve no blynd sentence to 
banyshe dishonor or confyske eny man or hys goodes 
with owt that they knew ryght well them selfs the very 
fowndment & cawse, sustenyng lyke wyse that with owt 
that the lord margrave as the Emperor is officer can showe 
or do show sum particuler articlyes in the sayd bookes 
wher that theis forsayd errures & herissees ben fownd, 
that the forsayd Christofer inprimure ought to be 
eslargyd owt off prisone & to do hys plessure with the 
forsayd bookes. 

And for a conclusion aftyr many othyr replikes & 
duplikes done on bothe sides betwix the margrave & the 
sayd malefactor & hys procurer, nott withstandynge 
the promesses that the lordes of the prive consell made 
vnto me when I send yew my last post, whyche promesses 

2 Christopher of Endhoven, the printer of the Antwerp New 
Testament of 1526. See^No. XVI, note 2. 


was, that with condicion that I myght showe them here 
eny of syche lyke bookes as has ben condemnyd & 
bownrt in Ingland, that they as ther, showld orthyn 3 
& comand all othyr syche lyke bokes or with syche lyke 
heressees as myght be thys centres to be 
condemnyd & bowrnt in lyke wyse. But yett for all 
thys, nethyr for my lady ys fyrst second nethyr tyrd 
lettyr whyche were wrytten in metly good fowrme, the 
lordes of andwerpe has gyven for ther sentence that afore 
the banyshment of the sayd Inprimure the confeskacion 
of hys goodes or the burnynge off hys bookes that the 
margrave aforesayd as officer for the Emperor shall show 
and declare sum articles conteynyge in the sayd bookes 
wher thys errures & heryssees ben fownd, And in thys 
maner the margrave told me that he cowd precede no 
ferdyr in thys byssines. Wherfore I have turned to the 
cowrte agayne fro the sayd towne of andwerpe to showe 
my lady & the lordes of hyr pryve consell, the denegacion 
off Justyce that they off the towne of andwerpe has done 
vnto ftie att thys tyme. there apon I have had grett 
comunycacion with the foirsayd lordes of the pxyve consell. 
Showyng them with fayre wordis that I had grett 
marvell of the fyrst denegacion off Justyce that they of 
andwerpe dyd vnto me I showynge them the efecte & 
substance off the kyng my souerayne lorde ys lettris with 
presentynge them the lettris of my lady margrett con- 
fowrmynge to my comyssion, & now that acordynge to the 
presentacion that they made vnto me whych was lyke 
as aforsayd ys, that yff I had here to showe any syche 
boke or bokes as has ben bowrnt in Inglande, & fyndynge 
any syche lyke bokes, in thys contres, that they sholde 
do syche lyke Justyce off them. 
And lyke as hytt aperes off trowte that they have had 
3 ordain ? 


the vysytacion of the sayd bookes, & hawe seyne my 
lord the byshope off london is verification, in the fyrst 
levys of thos same, whych books with the lady margrett 
is second & tyrd lettrys to them of Andwerpe I dyd 
deliuer, & for eny reyson that I myght show besydes 
nethyr for no lettyr that the sayd lady cowd wryte 
nethyr for none ... off Justyce that the margrave off 
andwerpe dyd desyre, yett cowd I have none othyr 
Justyce off them but lyke as afore sayd ys. 

Wher apon sum off the sayd lordes answeryd me that 
hytt ys as gr[eat] Reyson that the luges of thys centres 
ought as well to know what they shall Juge here as the 
Juges off owr centre knowys what thei juge there. 

I answeryd agayne that hytt was very hard to make 
a man vnders[tand] the Inglyshe tunge in generall, that 
can nott speke hytt nethyr neuer has lernyd hytt in 
particuler,- & that I cowd fynd no defference in yewynge 
off correccion to hym that has fyrst forgyd or cownyd 
[false] mone 4 by hym that secondly has forgyd or inynyd 
syche lyke. 

They answeryime that hytt ys becawse that they have 
nott the perfytt knowlege whyther the fyrst or second 
be false or not & that they wyll do ther best to know the 
veryte in thys centre & that they w[yll] as feyne do 
good Justyce in thys centres as we can or may desyre 

I answeryd them that I knowe nott. nethyr I am 

assuryd, that ther jys] nott in all the Emperor is lands, in 

thys syde the sees no susi . . . ne bettyr lernyd men to 

kan determe the Englyshe tunge fro the latten, & latten 

fro Inglishe then syche prelates doctours & lerny[d] men 

off the kynges consell that has fownd the errures & 

heressee[s] off siche bookes as has ben condemnyd & 

* Money ; ' iuynyd ' in the same line awaits explanation. 



bowrnt In Ingland. A[nd] here apon my lorde of 
palermo, presens my lorde off hoghestrate & othyrs off 
the sayd lordes, required me to be plesyd that thy[se] 
maturs myght be spoken of yett onys agayne, amonges 
them, & that aftyr that they may know the lordes of 
andwerpe is [exjcusacions. Whyche be here cum to 
cowrte for syche an intent [and] that as then by my lady 
ys advyse, & delyberacion of consell [they] trustyd to 
gywe me sysh answere that resonably, I showld [have] 
no caw[s]e to cumplayne. but what hytt shalbe I can nott 
[tell] and knowynge the resolucion I wyll send yowr grace 
the hole [of the] declaracion, sertyfyenge yowr grace that 
I was onys so dysplesyd with them [of] Andwerpe that 
I was purposed to a bought vp all the f orsayd bookes 5 
& to a send them to yowr grace there to burne & destrue 
there att home lyke as all syche maliciowse bookes 
meritably & wordy ar to be done, but aftyrward that my 
colora was descendyd & by consell off a good frend of 
myne I thought hytt was bettyr to antyse my lady & 
hyr consell, f yrst to knowe & see fynally what remedy 
that they showld do apon my complayntes & yff ther 
resolucions lykyd me nott that as then I wold by all the 
forsayd bookes or as many as I cowde fynd & send ham 
yow there to do yowr grace ys plessure lyke as I wyll 
in deyd yff they do nott here bettyr Justyce. 

Hytt shall plese yowr grace to wnderstand that where 
ther was two inprimurs taken prisoners, there ys but one 
off them that was f ownd gylty in the inprimynge off the 
Englyshe bookes, whych ys namyd Christofer endhowen 
as afore wryten ys. 

I hawe wryten to my lorde of barro requyrynge hym 

5 This suggestion was subsequently carried out by Tunstall and 
Wai-ham. See Nos. XVII and XVIII. 


in the kynges ys hyghnes & yowr grace hys name, that 
for the preseruacion off the cristen feythe & the extyr- 
pacion off the abhomynable secte luterian that he wold 
se Justyce to be done in hys to\vne, apon all syche 
Inglyshe bookes entytled the nywe testment, & all syche 
lyke bookes as I have infowrmyd to the gotmenor off owr 
nasion whych shall show hys lordshype the efecte of all 
syche byssynes. 

My lorde of Valleyne came yesternyght to thys towne 
& showyd me by mowthe that my sayd lorde hys fadyr 
recomandyd hym unto me & that he has promest surly 
that he wyll se syche Justyce to be done, that the kynges 
hyghnes nethyr yowr grace shall have no cawse to be, 
but well plesyd with hym, desyrynge me that I myght 
cum me selfe to barro as sone as I cowde to awans 6 the 
sayd bysynes lyke as I wyll as sone as I shall know how 
that the maturs betux me & the lordes of andwerpe shalbe 

I haue begon the wrytynge off thys letyr att andwerpe 
and fynshyd hytt here att maghlynge. 7 The xij* h day 
ol Jenner, 1526. 

Afftyr this letter wryten I hawe spocken with my lady 
margret touchyng thes Inglis bookes, & sche promest 
me suyrly that afore fywe dayys to a nend that ther 
salbe sych Justyce don of them that I salbe plessyd, 
then as then, 

per yowr hummyll Bedesman John Hackett. 
6 Advance. 7 Mechlin. 

L 2 


Extract from letter of John Hackett to Wolsey, February 20, 
1 5 2$ (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. iv, No. 2903 ). Printed 
from Cotton MS. Galba, B. VI. 4. 

Plesse yowr grace to wnderstand that synnes my last 
wrytyngs [to your] g[race] I hawe ressewyth none of 
yowrys, I trust by this tyme that yowr [grace has] 
ample infowrmacion off syche execucion & Justyce as 
has bene done in [these] townes of Andwerpe & barrow 
apon all syche Inglyshe bookes as we [could] fynd in 
thys contres, semblablys to trye syche othyr bookes as 
yowr g[race shall] send wnto me, with my lorde the 
byshope off london is sygnature, And b[y my] last 
wrytyngs wnto M r bryan tuke I aduertyssyd hym that 
there [were] dyvers marchands off scottland that bought 
many off syche lyke bookes [to take] Them in to scottland, 
aparty to edenbowrghe & the most party to the tow[ne 
of] sent androys for the whyche cawse when I was 
at barro beyng a ... the skottyshe shyppes were in 
se land thare the sayd bookes were ladyn . . . sodenly 
thedyrwarde thynkynge yff that I had fownd syche 
stuff e th[at] I wold cawse to make as good a fyer off 
them as there has bene [made] off the remenaunt in bra- 
bant, but fortune wold nott that I showld [this] tyme, 
for the forsayd shyppes were departyd a day afore my 
cummyng so I must atakyn pacience for all my labowre, 
with levyng my lady is lettris & good instruction with 
my lorde off beveris & the rent m[aste]r off ... concernyng 
the forsayd byssynes. 

The margraw off andwerpe & drossard of barghys 
requyred & pray[ed] yff hytt were possibell to cawse 
them to gett qute off Ingland a [notyfy] cation off sum 
partyculer artyclys off erryssees conteynynge in the say [d 


bokes] by the whyche notyfycacion, they may lafully 
nott only to bowrne syche . . . bookes, but also to correcte 
& punnyshe the inprymurs byers & syllers of [them] bothe 
in body & in goodes, for els acordynge to the lawys off 
thys [land] They may nott punnyshe nethyr make 
correcion apon the forsayd [imprimurs] nethyr apon there 
goodes, as they say. 

. . . att maglyne the . . . day off Februer. 

per yowr ryght hummyll Bedes man] 
John hackett. 
[Addressed : ' My Lorde Legate.'] 

Extract from postscript to previous letter (Letters and Papers 
of Henry VIII, vol. iv, No. 2904). Printed from Cotton MS., 
Galba B, IX, 235. 

And as for the xl mark that I ressewt here at y[owr] 
grace ys comandment. I tynke ye wyll alowe me the 
same for the expenssis extra ordenary that I have done 
in comyng & goyng & abyddyng at andwerpe at Barow 
selomd (? ) & elswher. with the prewe x Inquesissiones 
that I have don at gant at bruges at Brussellis, and 
lowayn and els wher touchyng the recoverans & execus- 
syons to be don apon all syche heretyk bokes as I myght 
fynd in this centres acordyng vnto your grace ys mynd 
instruxions & wryghtyngs sobmytyng me self all ways to 
be ordyrt acordyng vnto your gracious comandment 
goodwyll & plessure. 

[The postscript is dated ' fro machlyng the xx^ day 
of fewrer 1526.] 

1 Privy. 


Extract from Halle's Chronicle, or ' Union of the two noble 
and illustrious famelies of Lancastre and Yorke ', London, 
R. Graf ton, 1548, fol. clxxxvi. 

Here is to be remembred, that at this present tyme, 
Willyam Tyndale had newly translated and imprinted 
the Newe Testament in Englishe, and the Bishop of 
London, not pleased with the translacion thereof, debated 
with hymself, how he might compasse and deuise, to 
Cutbard Tonstall destroye that false and erronious trans- 
bishop of London lacion(ashesaied). And so it happened 
bought Newe ,, , N . ' ^ .. ** 

Testamentes to that one Augustine Packyngton, a 

burne. Mercer and Merchant of London, and 

of a greate honestie, the same tyme was in Andwarp, 
where the Bishope then was, 1 and this Packyngton 
was a man that highly fauored William Tindale, but 
to the bishop vtterly shewed hymself to the contrary. 
The bishop desirous to haue his purpose brought to 
passe, commoned of the New Testamentes, and how 
gladly he would bye them. Packyngton then hearyng 
that he wished for, saied vnto the bishop, my Lorde, 
if it bee your pleasure I can in this matter dooe 
more I dare saie, then moste of the Merchauntes of 
Englande that are here, for I knowe the Dutchemen and 
straungiers, that haue bought theim of Tyndale, and 
haue theim here to sell, so that if it be your lordshippes 
pleasure, to paye for theim, for otherwise I cannot come 
by them, but I must disburse money for theim, I will 
then assure you, to haue every boke of them, that is 

1 Presumably in connexion with the negotiations closed by the 
Treaty of Cambrai, between France and Spain, August 1529, 


imprinted and is here vnsolde. The Bishop thinkyng 
that he had God by the too, 2 when in deede he had (as 
after he thought) the Deuell by the fiste, saied, gentle 
Master Packyngton, do your diligence and get them and 
with all my harte I will paie for them, whatsoeuer thei 
cost you, for the bokes are erronious and naughtes and 
I entende surely to destroy theim all, and to burne 
theim at Paules Crosse. Agustine Packyngton came to 
Willyam Tyndale and saied, Willyam ^ pack _ 

I knowe thou arte a poore man, and yngton the Bishop 
hast a hepe of newe Testamentes, and ^ n t dons mer " 
bokes by thee, for the whiche thou 
hast bothe indaungered thy frendes, and beggered 
thy self, and I haue now gotten thee a Merchaunt, 
whiche with ready money shall dispatche thee of all 
that thou hast, if you thynke it so profitable for 
your self. Who is the Merchant said Tyndale ? The 
bishoppe of London, saied Packyngton, that is 
because he will burne them saied Tyndale, ye Mary quod 
Packyngton, I am the gladder said Tyndale for these 
two benefites shall come therof, I shall get money of 
hym for these bokes, to bryng myself out of debt (and 
the whole world shall crie out vpon the burnynge of 
Goddes worde.) And the ouerplus 3 of the money, that 
shall remain to me, shall make me more studious, to 
correct the said Newe Testament, and so newly to Im- 
print the same once again, and I trust the second will 
muche better like you, then euer did the first : And so 
forward went the bargain, the bishop had the bokes, 
Packyngton had the thankes, and Tyndale had the 

2 Toe. 

3 Tyndale had first to repay the merchants who advanced 
money to print his Testaments, 


Afterward when mo newe Testamentes were Imprinted, 
thei came thicke and threfolde into Englande, the bishop 
of London hearyng that still there were so many Newe 
Testamentes abrode, sent for Augustyne Packyngton 
and saied vnto him : Sir how commeth this, that there 
are so many Newe Testamentes abrode, and you promised 
and assured me that you had bought al ? then saied 
Packyngton, I promes you I bought all that then was 
to bee had : but I perceiue thei haue made more sence, 
and it will neuer bee better, as long as thei haue the 
letters and stampes, therefore it wer best for your lord- 
sliippe to bye the stampes to, and then are you sure : 
the bishop smiled at hym and saied, well Packyngton 
well, and so ended this matter. 

Shortly after it fortuned one George Constantine, 4 to 
be apprehended by Sir Thomas More, whiche then was 
lorde Chauncellor of England of suspicion of certain 
heresies. And this Constantine beyng with More, after 
diuerse examinations of diuerse thynges, emong other, 
Master More saied in this wise to Constantine. Con- 
stantine I would haue thee plain with me in one thyng 
that I will aske of thee, and I promes thee I will shewe 
thee fauor, in all the other thynges, whereof thou art 
accused to me. There is beyond the sea Tyndale, loye, 
and a great many mo of you. I knowe thei cannot Hue 
without helpe, some sendeth theim'money and succoureth 
theim, and thy self beyng one of them, haddest parte 
thereof, and therefore knowest from whence it came. 
I praie thee who be thei that thus helpe them ? My 
lorde quod Constantine, will you that I shal tell you the 

1 George Constantine, a Cambridge graduate. When under 
examination by More he gave information as to the method of 
shipping the Lutheran books. Fgr his activity before his arrest, 
see No. XIX, 


truthe ? Yea I praie thee quod my Lorde. Mary I will 
quod Constantine, truly quod he it is the Bishoppe of 
London that hath holpen vs, for he hath bestowed 
emong vs, a greate deale of money in New Testamentes 
to burne theim, and that hath and yet is our onely 
succoure and comfort. Now by my trothe quod More, 
I thynke euen the same, and I said so muche to the 
bishop, when he went about to bye them. 


Letter of Richard Nix, Bishop of Norwich, to the Archbishop 
of Canterbury, June 14, 1527. Printed from Cotton MS. Yitel- 
HusB, IX, 117. 

In right humble maner I commende me vnto your 
goode Lordeshippe, Doynge the same tundrestand, that 
I lately receyued your letters dated at your manor of 
Lambethe, the xxvj dale of the moneth of Maij. by the 
whiche I do perceyue that youre grace hath lately goten 
into your handes all the bokes of the newe testamente 
translated into Englesshe and pryented beyonde the see 
aswele those with the gloses ioyned vnto theym as 
thoder without the gloses, 1 by meanes of exchaunge by 
you made therfore to the somme of IxijZ. ixs. iiij 

1 The books purchased must have been the 8 and 4 printed 
at Worms. 

2 Large as this sum is, about ^700 of modern value, if the 
average retail price of a New Testament was six groats (five for 
the 8 and seven for the 4, see No. XIX) or 25., the number 
purchased would only be about 663, and even if 50 per cent be 
added to this to represent the allowance made to a wholesale 
buyer, it would amount to about one thousand, or one-sixth of 
the total number printed. 


Surely in myne opynion you have done therin a 
graciouse and a blessed dede, and god I doubt not shall 
highly rewarde you therfore, And where in your said 
letters ye write, that in so moche as this matur and the 
daunger therof if remedie had not be prouyded shulde 
not only haue towched you but all the Busshoppes 
within your province, and that it is no reason that the 
holle charge and coste therof shulde reste only in you, 
but that thei and euery of theym for their parte shulde 
avaunce and contribute certain sommes of money 
towarde the same. And for that entente desire me to 
certifie you what conuenyent somme I for my part wulbe 
contented to avaunce in this behalue, and to make pay- 
mente therof vnto Maister William Potkyn your ser- 
uaunte. Pleaseth it you tundrestande that I am right 
wele contented to geue and avaunce in this behalue ten 
markes, 3 and shall cause the same to be delyuered vnto 
the said maister Potkyn shortely the which somme 
I thinke sufficient for my parte if euery Busshopp within 
your said provynce make like contribution & avaunce- 
mente after the Rate and substance of their benefices. 
Neuer the lesse if your grace thinke this somme of ten 
markes not sufficient for my parte in this mater, (the 
nombre and substance of thoder your suffragans con- 
sidered) your furdre pleasure knowen I shalbe as gladde 
to conforme my self therunto in this or any other mater 
concernynge the churche, as any your subgiet within 
your provynce. As knowes Almyghty god, who longe 
preserue you to his moste pleasure and your hertes desire. 
At hoxne in Suff. the xiiij daie of Junii 1527. 

Your humble obediencur and baidman 

R. Norvich. 
3 i.e. ^6 135. 4^., about one-tenth of the whole sum. 


I wolde be as gladde to wayte vpon your lordeshipp 
and do my duetie vnto you as any man lyvinge, but 
I thynke that I can not so do this somer, I praye god 
I may haue some tyme for to do it, 

[Addressed : To my Lorde of Canterbury is goode 


From Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, 1822, vol. i, Pt. II, 
PP' 63~5 Reference given to MSS. Fox. Regist. Cuthb., i.e. to 
the Register of Cuthbert Tonstall, Bishop of London. 

He bowght at sondry tymes of Mr. Fyshe 2 dwellyng 
by the Whight Frears in London, many of the New 
Testaments in English ; that is to say, now V. and 
now X. And sometyme mo, and sometyme less, to the 
nombre of XX. or XXX. in the gret volume. The 
which New Testaments the said Mr. Fyshe had of one 
Harmond, an English man, beyng beyond see. But 
how many he had this respondent cannot tell. And 
this respondent saith, that about a yere and half agon he 
fell in a quaintaunce with Vicar Constantyne 3 here in 
London. Which shewed this respondent first, that the 
said Mr Fyshe had New Testaments to sell ; and caused 
this respondent to by some of the said New Testaments 
of Mr Fyshe. And the said Mr Fyshe, at the desire and 
instance of Vicar Constantine, browghte the said New 

1 Probably a kinsman of Thomas Necton, sheriff of Norwich 
(1531), whose sympathies were with the Protestants. 

4 Simon Fish, a student of Gray's Inn, who subsequently wrote 
the Supplication of the Beggars. 

8 See No. XVII note 4. 


Testaments home to this respondents house. And 
before that Vicar Constantine caused this respondent 
to by some of the said New Testaments, he had none, 
nor no other books, except the chapiters of Matthew. 4 

And moreover, this respondent saith, that about the 
same tyme he sold fyve of the said New Testaments to 
Sir 5 William Furboshore synging man, in Stowmarket, 
in Suffolk, for vii or viii grotes a pece. Also, two of the 
same New Testaments in Bury St. Edmunds : that is to 
say, to Raymond Wodelesse one ; and Thomas Horfan 
another, for the same price. 

Also, he saith, that about Cristmas last, he sold one 
New Testament to a Priste ; whose name he cannot tell, 
dwellynge at Pycknam Wade in Northfolke ; and two 
Latin books, the one Oeconomica Christiana ; and the 
other Unio Dissidentium. Also, one Testament to 
William Gibson merchant man, of the parish of S. Mar- 
garet Patens. 

Also, Vicar Constantyne at dyvers tymes had of this 
respondent a XV. or XVI. of the New Testaments of 
the biggest. 6 And this respondent saith, that the sayd 
Vicar Constantyne dyvers tymes bowght of him certayne 
of the sayd New Testaments : and this respondent lyke- 
wise, of hym. Also, he sold Sir Richard Bayfell two 
New Testaments unbound about Cristmas last : for the 
which he payd iiis iiii^. 

Farthermore, he saith, that he hath sold V or VI of 
the said N. Testaments to diverse persons of the cite of 
London : whose namys, or dwellyng places, he doth not 

4 This reference may equally well be to the Cologne fragment 
of the New Testament, or to a separate edition. 

5 Here and elsewhere ' Sir ' denotes a priest. 

6 i.e. of the quarto edition with marginal notes. 


Moreover, he saith, that since Easter last, he bowght 
of Geffray Usher of Saynct Antonyes, with whom he hath 
byn aqueynted by the space of a yere, or thereabout (by 
reason he was Mr Forman, the person of Hony Lane his 
servant, and for that this respondent did moche resort 
to the said persons sermons) XVIII N. Testaments in 
English of the smal volume, and XXVI. books, al of one 
sort, called Oeconomica Christian! in Latin ; and two 
other books in Latin called Unio Dissidentium. For 
which he payed hym xls. Of the which Oeconomica 
Christiana Vicar Constantyne had XIII. at one tyme. 

And of which N. Testaments since Easter this respon- 
dent caryed XV of them, and thother XXIII Oeconomica 
Christiana, to Lynne, to sell. Which he wold have sold 
to a young man, callid William , . . merchant man, 
dwellyng by one M* Burde of the same towne. Which 
young man wold not medle with them, because they 
were prohibite. And so this respondent left the said 
books at Lynne with the said William, untyll his re- 
tornyng thider ayen. And so the said bookes do remayne 
ther still, as yet. And two of the said N, Testaments 
he hath in his own custodie, with another of the great 
volume. Also, another Testament of the smal volume 7 
he sold since Easter to young Elderton, merchant man, 
of Saynct Mary Hill parishe. 

Howbeit he saith, that he knew not that any of thies 
bookes were of Luthers sect. 

To the xvn jt*, That he hath byn a receptor, he saith, 
that he twice or thryese hath byn in Thomas Mathews 8 

7 Presumably the octavo Worms edition* 

8 The name is worth noting, as it is possible that this Thomas 
Matthew was used in connexion with the Bible of 1 537 as a scape- 
goat, on whom, after he had been got out of the way, any blame 
could be laid. Compare the part possibly played by Hans van 


house of Colchestre. Wheras he hath red diverse tymes 
in the N, Testament in English, before the said Thomas 
Matthew, his wif, William Dykes, and other servantes 
ther. And there, and then have herd old Father Hacker 
speke of prophesies ; and have had communications of 
diverse articles : which he doth not now remember. 

To the xix th , so begynnyng, That he went about to by 
a great nombre of N. Testaments, he saith, that about 
Cristmas last, there came a Duche man, 9 beyng now in 
the Flete, which wold have sold this respondent ii or iii 
hundreth of the said N. Testaments in English : which 
this respondent did not by ; but sent him to M r Fyshe 
to by them : and said to the Duche man, Look what 
M r Fyshe doth, I wil do the same. But whether 
M r Fyshe bowght any of them, he cannot tell : for the 
which iii hundreth he shold have paid xvi I v sh. after 
ix d. apece. 10 

To the xx article, That he is inframed ; he saith, that 
since Easter last, he was at Norwiche at his brothers 
house, wher as one had complayned of this respondent 
to my Lord of Norwiche, 11 because he had a N. Testa- 

Ruremond as the ' Johan Hollybushe ' of the second Latin- 
English New Testament printed by Nicholson in 1538 (see note 
to No. XVI. A). 

9 Probably Hans van Ruremond acting for Christoffel van 
Endhoven or van Ruremond, who brought out an edition at 
Antwerp in 1526 (see note to No. XVI. A). This was apparently 
a little i6mo, and sold consequently wholesale at either gd. or 
is. id., according to which emendation of the faulty reckoning 
made at the end of the paragraph is adopted. The 700 copies sold 
to F. Birckmann for 28 175. 3^. work out at just under iod> 
each. But in the case of copies sold in England the price would 
naturally be higher. 

10 Three hundred copies at $d. each come to 11 55., not 
6 5*. 

u See Nos. XVII and XIX. 


ment. Wherfor his brother counceled this respondent 
to send or delyver his said N. Testament, and said to 
him, If he wold not delyver it, my Lord of Norwiche 
wold send him to my Lord of London, his Ordinary- 
And so afterwards he sent it to London by the caryer. 

To the xxi. article, so begynnyng, That contrary to 
the prohibition, he hath kept the N. Testament, he con- 
fessith, that after he had knowledge of the condempna- 
tion of the said N. Testament, by the space of a yere, or 
more, he hath had in his custodie, kept, and studyed 
the same Testament, and have red it thoroughly many 
tymes. And also have red in it as wel within the citie 
and diocess of London, as within the citie and diocesse 
of Norwiche. And not onely red it to himself, but redd 
and tawght it to diverse other. 

To the xxii. he awnsweryth 'and denyeth, that he had 
Wycliefs Wycket or the Apocalips at any tyme. 

Per me Robert Necton. 


From a letter of Richard Nix, bishop of Norwich, to the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, May 14, 1530 (Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. V. 

After moste humbill recomendation, I do your grace 
tvndrestande that I am accombered with suche as 
kepith and redethe these Arronious bokes in engleshe 
and beleve and gif credence to the same and teacheth 
other that they shuld so doo, My Lorde I have done 
that lieth in me for the suppression of suche parsons, 
but it passith my power, or any spirituall manne for 
to do it, for dyuerse saith openly in my diocesse, that the 
kinges grace wolde that they shulde have the saidp 


Arronious bokes, and so maynteynith them self of the 
kmge, wherupon, I desired my lorde Abbot of Hide to 
shew this to the kinges grace, besechinge him to sende 
his honorabill lettres vndre his seall downe to whome 
he please in my diocesse that they may shew and publiche 
that it is not his pleasure that suche bokes shuld be had 
or red. And also punyshe suche as saith soo, I truste 
before this lettre shall come vnto you, my saide lorde 
Abbot hath donne soo, the saide Abbot hath the names 
of some that crakith in the kinges name that ther false 
opinions shuld goo furth, and will dye in the quarell 
that ther vngracious opinions be true, And trustith by 
michalmas daye ther shalbe more that shall beleve of 
ther opinions than they that beleveth the contrary. If 
I had knowen that your grace had bene at london, 
I wolde have commanded the saide Abbot to have spoke 
with you, but your grace may sende for him whan ye 
please, and he shall shew you my holl mynde in that 
mater, and how I thought best for the suppression of 
suche as holdeth these Arronious opinions, for if they 
contynue any tyme I thinke they shall vndoe vs all, The 
said Abbot departed from me on monday laste and sith 
that tyme I have had moche trobill and busynes with 
other, in like mater, And they say that where somever 
they go they here say that the kinges pleasure is the new 
testament in inglishe shulde go forth, and men shuld 
have it, and rede it, and from that opynion I canne no 
wise induce them, but I had gretter auctorite to punyshe 
them, thanne I haue, Wherfor I besiche your good 
lordeshippe to advertise the kinges grace, as I trust the 
saide abbot hath done before thes lettre shall come vnto 
your grace that a remedy may ; be had, for now it maye 
be done well in my diocesse, for the gentilmen and the 
commentye be not greatly inseth, but marchantes and 


suche that hath ther abyding not ferre from the see, the 
saide Abbot of Hide canne shew you of a curat and well 
lerned in my diocesse, that exorted his parishioners to 
beleve contrary to the Catholicall faith. 

Ther is a collage in Cambrige called gunwell haule x 
of the foundacion of a Bishoppe of Norwiche. I here of 
no clerke that hath come ought lately of that collage but 
saverith of the friainge panne thoughe he speke never 
so holely, I beseche your grace to pardon me of my 
rude and tedious writinge to you, the zele and love that 
I ough to almighty god cause me this to do, And thus 
almighty god longe preserue your grace in good pros- 
perite and helth. At hoxne the xiiijto- Day of Maii 1530. 
Your obediensary and 
Daily orator 

Ri Norwich. 


MAY 25, 1530 

Extract from Halle's Chronicle, The Union of the two Noble 
Houses, &c. Grafton, 1548, fol. 192. 

The xxii yere 

In the begynnyng of this two and twentie yere, the 
kyng like a politike and prudent prince, perceiued that 
his subiectes and other persons had diuers times within 

1 Gonville Hall was founded in 1348 by Edmond Gonville, 
rector of Terrington in Norfolk, but William Bateman, Bishop of 
Norwich, whom Gonville left his executor, changed both the site 
and the statutes of the Hall, and added 'to its endowments in 
1353, and is thus reckoned as its second founder. The Hall 
became Gonville and Caius College by the benefactions of Dr. John 
Caius, its third founder, in 1558. 



foure yeres last past, brought into his realme, greate 
nombre of printed bokes, of the new Testament, trans- 
lated into the English tongue by Tyndall, Joy, and 
other, which bokes the common people vsed and dayly 
red priuely, which the clargie would not admit, for thei 
punnished suche persones as had red studied or taught 
the same with greate extremitie, but bycause the multi- 
tude was so greate, it was not in their power to rcdrcsse 
there grefe : wherefore they made complaint to the 
Chauncelor 1 (which leaned much to the spiritual! mennes 
part, in all causes) where vpon he imprisoned and 
punished a greate nomber so that for this cause a great 
rumor and controuersie rose dai]y emongst the people : 
wherfore the kyng consideryng what good might come 
of readyng of the new Testament with reuerence and 
folowyng the same, and what euell mighte come of the 
readyng of the same if it were euil translated, and not 
folowed : came into the starre chambre the fiue and 
twentie day of May, 2 and there commoned with his 
counsaile and the prelates concernyng this cause, and 
after long debatyng, it was alleged that the translacion[s] 
of Tyndall and Joy were not truely translated, and also 
that in theim were prologues and prefaces which sounded 
to heresie, and rayled against the bishopes vncharitably, 
wherefore all such bokes were prohibited and com- 
maundement gevcn by the kyng to the bishoppcs, that 

1 Sir Thomas More. 

a Of the proceedings of May 24 (see XXII, note i) the * Bill 
in English to be published by the prechours ' says that ' his 
gracious highnes, being in parson in the chapcll called the " Old 
Chapel! ", which sometime was called Saint Edwards chambre, 
sett on the est side of the parliament chambre, within his gratis 
palace at Westminster, then and there in the presence of all the 
parsonages there assembled and gathered ' caused three notaries 
to record the decisions arrived at. 


thei callyng to theim the best learned men of the vniuer- 
sities should cause a new translacion to be made, so that 
the people should not be ignoraunte in the lav/ of god : 
And notwithstanding this commaundement the bishopes 
did nothing at all to set furth a new translacion, which 
caused the people to stody Tindalles translacion, by 
reason where of many thinges cam to light, as you shall 
here after. 

In this yere in Maye, 3 the bishop of London caused al 
his newe Testamentes which he had bought with many 
other bokes, to be brought into Paules churcheyarde in 
London and there was openly burned. 


From the copy in the British Museum, printed by Thomas 

Mense Junii, Anno regni metuendissimi domini nostri 
regis Hcnrici octaui. xxii. 

A proclamation made and diuysed by the kyngis 
highnes, with the aduise of his honorable counsaile, for 
dampning of erronious bokes and heresies, and prohibit- 
inge the hauinge of holy scripture, translated into the 
vulgar tonges of englisshe, frenche, or duche, in suche 
maner, as within this proclamation is expressed. 

The kinge our most dradde soueraigne lorde, studienge 
and prouidynge dayly for the weale, benefite, and honour 
of this his most noble realme, well and euidently per- 

8 Tunstall succeeded Wolsey as Bishop of Durham in February, 
1530, and John Stokesley, his successor, was nominated July, 
15 30, and consecrated the following November. There can be no 
doubt that Tunstall is meant. 


ceiueth, that partly through the malicious suggestion of 
our gostly enemy, partly by the yuell and peruerse in- 
clination and sedicious disposition of sundry persons, 
diners heresies and erronious opinions haue ben late 
sowen and spredde amonge his subiectes of this his said 
realme, by blasphemous and pestiferous englisshe bokes, 
printed in other regions, and sent in to this realme, to 
the entent as well to peruerte and withdrawe the people 
from the catholike and true fayth of Christe, as also to 
stirre and incense them to sedition, and disobedience 
agaynst their princes, soucraigncs, and hecdes, as also 
to cause them to contempne and neglect all good lawes, 
customes, and vertuous manors, to the final subticrsion 
and desolation of this noble realme, if they myght haue 
preuayled (whiche god forbyd) in theyr most cursed 
persuasions and malicious purposes. Where vpon the 
kynges hignes, by his incomparable wysedome, forseinge 
and most prudently considerynge, hath inuited and called 
to hym the primates of this his gracis realme, and also 
a sufficient nombre of discrete vertuous and well icrried 
personages in diuinite, as well of either of the vniuersites, 
Oxforde and Cambrige, as also hath chosen and taken 
out of other parties of his realme : gyuinge vnto them 
libertie, to spekc and declare playnly thoir aduiscs, 
iudgementes, and determinations, concernynge as well 
the approbation or reieclynge of suche bokos as be in, 
any parte suspected, as also the admission and diuulga- 
tion of the olde and newe testament, translated in to 
englisshe, Wher vpon his highncs, in his owne royall 
person, callynge to hym the said primates and diuines, 
hath seriously and depely, with great leisure and longe 
deliberation, consulted, debated, inserchcd, and discussed 
the premisses : and finally, by all their free assentes, 
consentes, and agrementes, concluded, resolued, and 


determined, that these bokes ensuynge, That is to say, 1 
the boke entitled the wicked Mammona, the boke named 
the Obedience of a Christen man, the Supplication of 
beggars, and the boke called the Reuelation of Antichrist, 
the Summary of scripture, and diuers other bokes made 
in the englisshe tonge, and imprinted beyonde the see, 
do conteyne in them pestiferous errours and blasphemies : 
and for that cause, shall from hensforth be reputed and 
taken of all men, for bokes of heresie, and worthy to be 
dampned, and put in perpetuall obliuion. The kynges 
said highnes therfore straitly chargeth and commaundeth, 
all and euery his subiectes, of what astate or condition 
so euer he or they be, as they wyll auoyde his high 
indignation and most greuous displeasure, that they from 
hensforth, do not bye, receyue, or haue, any of the bokes 
before named, or any other boke, beinge in the englisshe 
tonge, and printed beyonde the see, of what matter so 
euer it be, or any copie written, drawen out of the same, 
or the same bokes in the frenche or duche tonge. And 
to the entent that his highnes wylbe asserteyned, what 
nombre of the sayd erronious bokes shalbe founde from 
tyme to tyme within this his realme, his highnes therfore 

1 These works, by Tyndale, Simon Fish, and Frith, form the 
first five of the seven books, a list of the ' heresies and errours ' in 
which was set forth in the ' Publick Instrument made A.C. May 24 in an assembly of the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, the Bishop of Durham, and others, by order of King 
Henry VIII containing divers heretical and erroneous opinions, 
considered and condemned.' Printed ' Exreg. Warham, fol. 188. a. 
in Wiikins, Concilia, iii. 728 sqq. There is reference in this to 
1 the translation also of Scripture corrupted by William Tyndall, 
as well in the Olde Testamente as in the Newe ', and again in 
1 the bill in Englisshe to be published by the prechours ' to ' the 
Newe Testament in Englisshe of the translation which is nowe 
prynted ', but the Instrument was mainly concerned with the 
controversial books. 


chargeth and commaundeth, that all and euery person 
or persones, whiche hath or herafter shall haue, any boke 
or bokes in the englisshe tonge, printed beyonde the see, 
as is afore written, or any of the sayde erronious bokes 
in the frenche or duche tonge : that he or they, within 
fyftene dayes nexte after the publisshynge of this present 
proclamation, do actually delyuer or sende the same 
bokes and euery of them, to the bisshop of the diocese, 
wherin he or they dwelleth, or to his commissary, or els 
before good testimonie, to theyr curate or parisshe preest , 
to be presented by the same curate or parisshe preest, to 
the sayd bisshop or his commissary. And so doynge, his 
highnes frely pardoneth and acquiteth them, and euery 
of them, of all penalities, forfaitures, and paynes, wherin 
they haue incurred or fallen, by reason of any statute, 
acte, ordinaunce, or proclamation before this tyme made, 
concernynge any offence or transgression by them com- 
mytted or done, by or for the kepynge or holdynge of the 
sayde bokes. 

Forseen and prouided alwaycs, that they from hens- 
forth truely do obseruc, kepe, and obey this his present 
gracis proclamation and commaundemcnt. Also his 
highnes commaundeth all mayres, sheriffes, bailliffes, 
constables, bursholders 2 , and other officers and ministers 
within this his realme, that if they shall happen by any 
meanes or wayes to knowe that any person or persons 
do herafter bye, receyue, haue, or deteyne any of the 
sayde erronyous bokes, printed or written any where, or 
any other bokes in englisshe tonge printed beyonde the 
see, or the sayd erronkms bokes printed or written in the 
frenche or duche tonge, contrarye to this present pro- 
clamation, that they beinge therof well assured, do 
immcdiatly attache the saide person or persons, and 
2 1 cannot explain this word* 


brynge hym or them to the kynges highnes and his most 
honorable counsayle : where, they shalbe corrected and 
punisshed for theyr contempte and disobedience, to the 
terrible example of other lyke transgressours. 

More ouer his highnes commaundeth, that no maner 
of person or persons take vpon hym or them to printe 
any boke or bokes in englisshe tong, concernynge holy 
scripture, not before this tyme printed within this his 
realme, vntyll suche tyme as the same boke or bokes be 
examyned and approued by the ordinary of the diocese, 
where the said bokes shalbe printed : And that the 
prynter therof, vpon euery of the sayde bokes beinge so 
examyned, do sette the name of the examynour or 
examynours, with also his owne name vpon the sayde 
bokes, as he wyll answere to the kynges highnes, at his 
vttermoste peryll. 

And farthermore, for as moche as it is come to the 
herynge of our saide soueraigne lorde the kynge, that 
report is made by diuers and many of his subiectes, that 
as it were to all men not onely expedyent, but also neces- 
sarye, to haue in the englisshe tonge bothe the newe 
testament and the olde : and that his highnes, his noble 
men, and prelates were bounden to suffre them so to 
haue it : His highnes hath therfore semblably there vpon 
consulted with the sayd primates and vertuous, discrete, 
and well lerned personages in diuinite forsayde, and by 
them all it is thought, that it is not necessary, the sayde 
scripture to be in the englisshe tonge, and in the handes 
of the commen people : but that the distribution of the 
sayd scripture, and the permyttyng or denyenge therof, 
dependeth onely vpon the discretion of the superiours, 
as they shall thynke it conuenyent. And that hauing 
respecte to the malignite of this present tyme, with the 
inclination of people to erronious opinions, the translation 


of the newe testament and the olde in to the vulgare tonge 
of englysshe, shulde rather be the occasion of contynuance 
or increace of errours amonge the sayd people, than any 
benefyte or commodite towarde the weale of their soules. 
And that it shall nowe be more conuenient that the same 
people haue the holy scripture expouned to them, by 
preachers in their sermons, accordynge as it hath ben 
of olde tyme accustomed before this tyme. All be it if 
it shall here after appere to the kynges highnes, that his 
saide people do vtterly abandon and forsake all peruerse, 
erronious, and sedicious opinyons, with the newe testa- 
ment and the olde, corruptly translated in to the englisshe 
tonge nowe beinge in print : And that the same bokes 
and all other bokes of heresy, as well in the f renche tonge 
as in the duche tonge, be clerely extermynate and exiled 
out of this realme of Englande for euer : his highnes 
entendeth to prouyde, that the holy scripture shalbe by 
great lerned and catholyke persones, translated in to the 
englisshe tonge, if it shall then seme to his grace con- 
uenient so to be, Wherfore his highnes at this tyme, 
by the hoole aduise and full determination of all the 
sayde primates and other discrete and substanciall lerned 
personages, of both vniuersites, and other before ex- 
pressed, and by the assent of his nobles and others of 
his moste honorable Counsayle, wyllcth and straytly 
commaundeth, that all and euery personc and persones, 
of what astate, degree or condicion so cuer ho or they be, 
whiche hath the newe testament or the olde translated 
into englisshe, or any other boke of holy scripture so 
translated, beinge in printe, or copied out of the bokes 
nowe beinge in printe, that he or they do immodiatly 
brynge the same boke or bokes, or cause the same to be 
brought to the bysshop of the dyoccse, where he dwcllcth, 
or to the handcs of other the sayde persones, at the daye 


afore limytted, in fourme afore expressed and mencioned, 
as he wyll auoyde the kynges high indignation and 
displeasure. And that no person or persons from 
hensforth do bie, receyue, kepe or haue the newe testa- 
ment or the olde, in the englisshe tonge, or in the frenche 
or duche tonge, except suche persones as be appoynted 
by the kinges highnes and the bishops of this his realme, 
for the correction or amendinge of the sayd translacion, 
as they wyll answere to the kinges highnes at their vtter- 
most perils, and wyll auoyde such punysshement, as they 
doinge contrary to the purport of this proclamation shall 
suffer, to the dredefull example of all other lyke offenders. 

And his highnes further commandeth, that all suche 
statutes, actes, and ordinances, as before this tyme haue 
be made & enacted, as well in the tyme of his moste 
gracious reigne, as also in the tyme of his noble pro- 
genitours, concernynge heresies, and hauynge and deteyn- 
ynge erronyous bokes, contrary and agaynst the faith 
catholyke, shall immediatly be put in effectuall and due 
execution ouer and besyde this present proclamation. 

And god saue the kynge. Thomas Bertheletus 

regius impressor excusit. Cum priuilegio. 


From a letter written by Stephen Vaughan to Henry VIII.i 
Printed from Cotton MS. Galba B. X, 5 (a corrected draught) 
completed from the letter itself in the Record Office. 

I have agayne byn in hande to perswade Tyndall and 
to draw him the rather to fauour my perswasions and 
not to thinke the same fayned, I shewed hym a clause 

1 Stephen Vaughan, who in 1534 became Governor of the 
English Merchant Adventurers at Antwerp, was charged by 
Henry VIII in 1531 to persuade Tyndale to retract and return 


conteyned in Maister Crumwells lettre conteynynge these 
wordes followinge, And not withstanding other the pre- 
misses in this my lettre conteyned if it were possible by 
good and holsom exhortacions to reconsile and convert 
the sayde tyndall, from the trayne and affection whiche 
he now is in, and to excerpte and take away the opynyons 
and fantasies sorely rooted in hym, I doubte not, but 
the kynges highnes wolde be muche ioyous of his con- 
version and amendement, And so beinge converted, if 
then he wolde returne into his realme, vndoubtidly, the 
kinges royall magestie is so inclined to mercie, pitie and 
compassion, that he refusethe none, whiche he seyth 2 , to 
submyt them self to the obedyence and good order of 
the worlde. 

In these wordes I thought to be suche swetnes and 
vertue, as were able to perse the hardest harte of the 
worlde, And as I thought so it cam to passe. For after 
sight therof I perceyued the man to be excidingc altered, 
and [moued] to take the same very nerc vnto his h^rte, in 
suche wise that water stode in his yccs 3 , And answered, 
what gracious wordes are these, I ass[urcj youe, saved 
he, if it wolde standc withe the kinges most gracious 
pleas[ure] to grauhte only a bare text of the scriptures * 

to England. On January 26 he reported to the king that he had 
written letters to Tyndale addressed to Frankfort, Hamburg, and 
Marburg, not knowing in which place he was, and encloses his 
answer (State Papers, v. 65) ; on March 25 he reports to Cromwell 
his negotiations with Tyndale (ib., 153); in a mutilated letter 
assigned to April he reports to the king an interview with Tyndale 
outside Antwerp (ib. , 20 1 ). The present letter begins with secular 
politics, then refers to Frith, and finally to Tyxulale. Besides 
the draft here printed it exists also in the Record Office, ib., vis. 
301. It must have been crossed by an answer to No. 1 53 from 
Cromwell commanding Vaughan to break off all negotiations with 
Tyndale. * Sees. a Eyes. 

1 This expression has sometimes been twisted so as to denote 


to be put f orthe emonge h[is] people, like as is put forthe 
emonge the subgectes of the emperour in th[ese] parties, 
and of other cristen princes be it of the translation of 
what perso[n] soeuer shall please his magestie, I shall 
ymedyatly make faithfulp.] promyse, neuer to wryte 
more, ne abide ij. dayes in these parties after th[e] same, 
but ymedyatly to repayre into his realme, and there 
most humbly submytt my selfe at the fete of his roiall 
magestie, offerynge my bodye, to suffer what payne or 
torture, ye what dethe his grac[e] will, so this be obteyned, 
And till that time, I will abide tha'sper[itie] of all chaunses 
what so euer shalle come, and indure my lyfe, in asm[any] 
paynes, as it is able to bere and suffer, And as concern- 
ynge m[y] reconsiliacion, his grace maye be assured that 
what soeuer I haue sayd or written, in alle my lyfe 
agenste thonour of goddes worde, and so proued, the 
same shall I before his magestie and all the worlde 
v[tterlie] renownce and forsake, and with most humble 
and meke mynde imfbrace] the truthe, abhorringe all 
errour, soner at the most gracious and benygne req[uest] 
of his royall magestie, of whose wisdome, prudence, and 
learnynge, I [here] so greate prayse and commenda- 
tion, then of any other creature, lyfuyng]. But if those 
thinges whiche I haue written, be true, and stande w[ith] 
goddes worde, why shulde his magestie hauynge so 
excellent a gu[yfte] of knowlege in the scriptures, moue 
me to do any thinge agenst m[y] conscience, with many 
other wordes whiche were to longe to writte, Fyn[ally] 
I haue some good hope in the man, and wolde not 
doubte to bringe [hym] to some good poynt, were it that 
some thing now and then myght pro[ccede] from your 

a preference on Tynclale's part for unannotated texts. It is 
clear that he preferred annotated ones, but would have accepted 
the circulation ol the bare text of the scriptures as a compromise. 


magestie towardes me, wherby the man myght take the 
better comforte of my perswasions. 

[I] aduertised the same tyndall, that he shulde not put 
forthe [t]he same booke 5 , tyll your most gracious pleasure 
were knowen, wherunto he answered, myne aduertise- 
ment cam to late, for he feared lest one that had his 
copie wolde put it very shortly in prynte, whiche he 
wolde lett if he coulde, if not there is no remedy, 
I shall staye it asmuche as I can, as yet it is not come 
forthe, ne will not in a while by that I perceyue. 

Luther hathe lately, put forthe a worke agenst 
themperour in the German tongue, whiche I wold cause 
to be translated into laten, and send it to your magestie, 
if I knew your gracious pleasure, in it were many thinges 
to be seen. 

from Barroughe [the xxDaye of Maye an M.D. XXXI] 
the most humble subgect of your Royall 

Sftephcn] V[aughan]. 


From 'An answer to the preface of master mores boke V part of 
' A Boke made by John Frith prisoner in the Tower of London, 
answeringe unto M. more's lettur which he wrote agenst the first 
litle treatyse that John Frith made conccrninge the sacrarncnte 
of the body and bloud of Christ. Monster. C. Willems, 1533.' 

It ys not possyble for hym that hathe hys eyen and 
seth hys brother which lackyth sight in leoperdyc of 
peryshynge at a perylous pyt, but that he must com to 

5 Presumably Tyndale's Answer to Sir Thomas M ore's ' Dialoge '. 
1 Frith answers More paragraph by paragraph. He here replies 


hym and guyde hym tyll he be past that leoperdye, and 
at the lest wise, yf he can not come to hym, yet wyll he 
calle a crye vnto hym to cause hym chose the better 
waye, excepte hys herte be cankered with the contagion 
of suche hatered that he can reioyse in hys neighbours 
distructyon. And euyn so ys yt not possyble for vs 
whiche haue receyuyd the knowelege of goddes worde, 
but that we moste crye and call to other, that they leue 
the perillous pathys of ther owyn folishe phantasyes. 
And do that only to the lorde, that he comandeth them, 
nether addinge any thinge nor diminishyng. And therfor 
vntyll we se som meanes founde, by the which a reason- 
able reformacyon may be had on the on partye, And 
suffecyent instructyon for the pore comens I insure yow, 
I nether wyll nor can cease to speake, for the worde of 
God boylyth in my bodye, lyke a feruent fyere, and wyll 
nedes haue an issue and breakyth oute, whan occasyon 
ys geuyn. But this hath ben offered yow, ys offered, and 
shall be offered ? Graunt that that the worde of God, 
I meane the text of scrypture, may goo abrode in oure 
ynglyshe tonge, as other nacyons haue yt in ther tonges, 
and my brother Wyllyam tendale, and I haue don, and 
wyll promisse you to wryte no more. Yf yow wyll not 
graunt this condicyon then wyll we be doynge whyle 
we haue brethe and shewe in f ewe wordes that the scryp- 
ture doth in many : and so at the lest saue some. . . . 

[Sig. B 8 recto : 2 ] And Tyndale I truste leuyth, well 

to More's wish as to the reformers, ' sith there can nothing re- 
frayne their studie from deuising and compassyng of euill and 
ungracious writyng, that they would and could kepe it so 
secretly, that neuer man should see it, but such as are so farre 
corrupted, as neuer would be cured of their canker.' 

8 More had accused Frith of 'teaching in a few leaues shortly 
al the poyson that Wickleff, Oecolampius, Tyndall, and Zwinglius 


content with suche a poore apostylis lyfie, as god gaue 
his son christe, and hys f aythfull ministers in this worlde 
which ys not sure of so many mites, as ye be yerly of 
poundes, allthough I am sure that for hys lernynge and 
ludgement in scrypture, he were more worthye to be 
promoted, then all the bushoppes in england. I receyuyd 
a letter from hym, which was wrytyn syns crystmas 
wherin amonge other maters he wrytyth thus. I calle 
God to record agaynst the day we shall apere before our 
lorde lesus to geue a reconynge of our doynges, that 
I never altered one sillable of goddes worde, agaynst my 
conscyence nor wolde do this daye, yf all that ys in 
yerth, whether yt be honour, pleasure or rychis, mighte 
be geuyn me. Moreouer I take God to record to my con- 
science that I desyre of God to my sellf in this world no 
more then that with oute which I can not kepe his lawes, 
&c., ludge Christen reader whether thes wordes be not 
spoken of a faythfull, clere innocent harte. And as for 
hys behauyour ys suche that I am sure no man can 
reproue hym of, any synne, howbeyt no man ys innocent 
before god which beholdeth the harte. 


From A Letter of M. W. Tyndallto lohn Frith, in Foxe's edition 
of The Whole Workes of W. Tyndall, John Frith and Doct, Barnes 
(London, John Day, 1573), p. 454. 

George loye 1 at Candlemasse being at Barrow, Printed 
two leaues of Genesis in a greate forme, and sent one 

haue taught in all their bookes before '. Frith eulogizes each in 

1 George Joye was a Cambridge graduate, and fellow of Peter- 
house (1517). On being denounced as a heretic to the Bishop of 
Lincoln in 1527, he fled to Strassburg. Four years later (May ro, 


Copy to the King, and an other to the newe Queene, 
with a letter to N. for to deliuer them : and to purchase 
licence, that he might so goe through all the Bible. 
Out of that is sprong the noyse of the new Bible : and 
out of that is the greate seeking for Englishe bookes at all 
Printers & Booke bynders in Antwarpe, and for an 
English Priest that shoulde Printe. This chaunced the 
ix. day of May [1533]. 


Petitio synodi Cantuariensis provinciae de libris suspectis 
exhibendis, et de transferendis Bibliis in linguam AngUcanam. 
19 Dec., 1534 (From Wilkins's Concilia hi, compared with the 
Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 339 b.) 

Decimo nono die Decembris, anno Domini Millesimo 
Quingentesimo tricesimo quarto, Episcopi, Abbates et 
Priores superioris domus conuocationis, siue sacre synodi 
Cantuariensis provincie, In domo Capitulari Ecclesie 
Cathedralis diui Pauli London, in presentia Reueren- 
dissimi in Christo patris et domini, domini Thome, per- 
missione diuina Cant, archiepiscopi, totius Anglie Pri- 
matis, et Metropolitan! legitime congregati, unanimi 
eorum consensu pariter et assensu consentiebant, quod 
dictus Reuerendissimus pater apud Illustrissimum in 
Christo Principem et dominum nostrum, dominum 

1531) he published there a translation of 'the prophet Isaye '. 
Of these two leaves of Genesis, copies of which Joye sent from 
Barrow (i.e. Bergen-op-Zoom), Humphrey Wanley, Harley's 
librarian, is said to have possessed an example. Joye aided 
Tyndale in his controversy with More, but the tone of Tyndale's 
reference here printed suggests that the latter thought his action 
ill considered, and the two men came into violent collision the 
next year (see No, XXVII). 


Henricum, Dei gratia Anglie et Francie regem, fidei de- 
fensorem, et doniinum Hiberniae, Ecclesiaeque Angli- 
cane (sub Deo) caput supremum, instantiam faceret, 
quatenus sua regia maiestas dignaretur pro augmento 
fidei subditorum suorum decernere et mandare, Quod 
ornnes et singuli subditi sui, penes quos aut in quorum 
possessione aliqui libri suspecte doctrine existunt, pre- 
sertim in lingua vulgari, citra aut ultra mare impress!, 
rnoneantur et cogantur eosdem suspecte doctrine libros 
infra tres menses a tempore monitionis in ea parte 
f acte, coram personis per regiam majestatem nominandis 
presentare, et realiter exhibere, sub certa pena per regiam 
maiestatem moderanda, et limitanda. Et quod ulterius 
sua regia maiestas dignaretur decernere, quod sacra 
Scriptura in vulgarem linguam Anglicanam, per quos- 
dam probos et doctos viros per dictum illustrissimum 
regem nominandos transferatur, et populo pro eorum 
eruditione deliberetur et tradatur. Ac insuper quatinus 
sua Regia maiestas dignaretur prohibere et mandare, 
etiam Indicta et imposita pena, ne quisquam laicorum 
aut secularum subditorum suorum de fide catholica aut 
articulis fidei, sacrave scriptura, aut eiusdem intellectu 
publice disputare, aut aliquo modo rixose contendere 
presumat infuturum. 


The petition of the synod of the province of Canter- 
bury concerning the declaring suspected books and the 
translation of the Bible into English. 

On the igth day of December, in the year of the Lord 
one thousand five hundred and thirty four, the Bishops, 
Abbots and Priors of the upper house of convocation, 
otherwise the sacred synod of the province of Canter- 
bury in the chapter house of the Cathedral Church of 


S. Paul,* London, in the presence of the most reverend 
father in Christ and lord, the lord Thomas, by divine per- 
mission archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England 
and Metropolitan, lawfully assembled, unanimously alike 
by consent and assent agreed that the said most reverend 
father should make instance to the most illustrious prince 
in Christ and our lord, the lord Henry, by the grace of 
God, King of England and France, defender of the faith, 
and lord of Ireland, and (under God) supreme head of the 
English Church, that his royal majesty should think fit 
for the increase of the faith of his subjects to decree and 
command that all and singular his subjects, in whose 
keeping or possession are any books of suspected doc- 
trine, more especially in the vulgar tongue, whether 
printed here or beyond the sea, be admonished and com- 
pelled to show and actually declare 1 those books of sus- 
pected doctrine within three months from the date of 
the admonishment being published in that district, before 
persons to be named by the king's majesty, under 
a fixed penalty to be controlled and limited by the 
king's majesty. And that furthermore the king's majesty 
should think fit to decree that the holy scripture shall be 
translated into the vulgar English tongue by certain 
upright and learned men to be named by the said most 
illustrious king 2 and be meted out and delivered to the 
people for their instruction. And moreover that his 
royal majesty should think fit to forbid and command, 
with a penalty assigned and imposed, that no layman or 
secular person among his subjects should for the future 
presume publicly to dispute or in any manner to wrangle 
concerning the catholic faith, or the articles of the faith, 
the Holy Scripture or its meaning. 

1 ' realiter exhibere,' they were to produce the books. 

2 Compare No. XXIX and note. 





From a supplementary preface to Tyndale's revised New 
Testament, Antwerp, Martin Keysere, November 1534. 

Willyam Tindale, yet once more to the christen 

THoushalt vnderstondemoost dere reader, when I had 
taken in hande to looke ouer the new testament agayne 
and to compare it with the greke, and to mende what- 
soeuer I coulde fynde amysse and had almost fynesshed 
the laboure : George loye secretly toke in hand to 
correct it also by what occasyon his conscyence knoweth : 
and preuented x me, in so moche, that his correccyon was 
prynted in great nombre, yer 2 myne beganne. When it 
was spyed and worde brought me ; though it seined to 
dyuers other that George Joye had not vsed the offyce 
of an honest man, seinge he knewe that I was in correct- 
ynge it myselfe : nether dyd walke after the rules of that 
loue and softenes which christ, and his disciples teache 
vs, how that we shuld do nothynge of stryfe to moue 
debate, or of vayne glorie or of couetousnes. Yet I toke 
the thinge in worth as I have done dyuers other in tyme 
past, as one that have moare experyence of the nature 
and dysposicion of the mannes conplexion, and supposed 
that a lytle spyse of couetousnes and vayne glorie (two 
blynde gydes) had bene the onlyc cause that moued him 
so to do, aboute which thynges I stryue with no man : 
and so folowed after and corrected forth & caused this 

1 Forestalled. Joye's edition appeared in August, Tyndale's 
in November, a before. 


to be prynted, without surmyse or lokynge on his 

But when the pryntynge of myne was almost fynesshed, 
one brought me a copie and shewed me so manye places, 
insoche wyse altered that I was astonyd and wondered not 
a lytle what furye had dryuen him to make soche chaunge 
and to call it a diligent correction. For thorow oute Mat. 
Mark & Luke perpetually : and ofte in the actes, and some- 
tyme in John and also in the hebrues, where he fyndeth 
this worde Resurreccion, he chaungeth it into the lyfe 
after this lyfe, or verie lyfe, and soche lyke, as one that 
abhorred the name of the resurreccion. 

If that chaunge, to turne resurreccion into lyfe after 
this lyfe, be a dylygent correccion, then must my trans- 
lacion be fautie in those places, and saynt Jeromes, and 
all the translatours that euer I heard of in what tonge so 
euer it be, from the apostles vnto this his dylygent cor- 
reccyon (as he calleth it) which whither it be so or no, 
I permyt it to other mennes iudgementes. 

But of this I chalenge George Joye, that he dyd not 
put his awne name thereto and call it rather his awne 
translacion : and that he playeth boo pepe, and in some of 
his bookes putteth in his name and tytle, and in some 
kepeth it oute. It is lawfull for who will, to translate 
and shew his mynde, though a thousand had translated 
before him. But it is not lawfull (thynketh me) ner yet 
expedyent for the edifienge of the vnitie of the f ayth of 
christ, that whosoeuer will shall by his awne auctorite, 
take another mannes translacion and put oute and in 
and chaunge at pleasure, and call it a correccion. 

Moreover, ye -shall vnderstonde that George Joye hath 
had of a longe tyme marvelouse ymaginacions aboute 
this worde resurreccion, that it shuld be taken for the 
state of the soules after their departinge from their 

N 2 


bodyes, and hath also (though he hath been reasoned with 
thereof and desyred to cease) yet sowen his doctryne by 
secret lettres on that syde the see, and caused great 
division amonge the brethren. In so moche that John 
Fryth beynge in preson in the toure of London, a lytle 
before his death, wrote that we shuld warne him and 
desyer him to cease, and wolde have then wrytten agaynst 
him, had I not withstonde him. Therto I have been 
sence informed that no small nomber thorow his 
curiositie, 3 vtterly denye the resurreccion of the fleshe 
andbodye, affinningethat thesoule when she is departed, 
is the spirituall bodye of the resurreccion, & other resur- 
reccion shall there none be. And I have talked with 
some -of them myselfe, so doted in that folye, that it 
were as good perswade a post, as to plucke that madnes 
oute of their braynes. And of this all is George Joyes 
vnquyet curiosite the hole occasion, whether he be of 
the sayde faccion also, or not, to that let him answere 
him selfe. 

If George Joye wyll saye (as I wot well he will) that 
his chaunge, is the sence and meaninge of those scriptures. 
I answer it is soner seyde then proved : howbeit let 
other men iudge : But though it were the verie meaninge 
of the scripture : yet if it were lawfull after his ensample 
to every man to playe boo pepe with the translacions 
that are before him, and to put oute the wordes of the text 
at his pleasure and to put in everywhere his meaninge ; 
or what he thought the meaninge were, that were the 
next waye to stablyshe all heresyes and to destroye the 
grounde wherewith we shuld improve them, As for an 
ensample, when Christ sayeth Jo : v. The tyme shall 
come in the which all that are in the graves shall heare 
his voyce and shall come forth ; they that have done good 
" Fancifulness. 


vnto resurrection of lyfe, or with the resurrection of lyfe, 
and they have done evell, vnto the [resu]reccion or with 
the resurrection of damnation ; George Joyes correction 
is, they that have done good shall come forth into the 
verie lyfe, and they that have done evell into the life of 
damnation, thrustingecleane oute this worde resurrection. 
Now by the same auctorite, and with as good reason 
shall another come and saye of the rest of the text, they 
that are in sepulchres, shall heare his voyce, that the 
sence is, the soules of them that are in the sepulchres 
shall heare his voyce, and so put in his diligent correction 
and mocke oute the text, that it shall not make for the 
resurreccion of the 'flesshe, whiche thinge also George 
Joyes correction doth manyfestlye affirme. If the text 
be lefte vncorrupt, it will pourge hir selfe of all maner 
false gloses, how sotle soever they be f ayned, as a sethinge 
pot casteth vp hir scome. But yf the false glose be made 
the text, diligentlye oversene and correct, 4 wherewith then 
shall we correcte false doctrine and def ende Christes flocke 
from f alseopinions, arid from the wycked heresyesof raven- 
inge of wolves ; In my inynde therfore a lytle vnfayned 
love after the rules of Christ, is worth moche hie learninge, 
and single and sleyght vnderstondinge that edifieth in 
vnitie, is moche better then sotle curiosite, and mekenes 
better then bolde arrogancye and stondinge over moche 
in a mannes awne consayte. 

Wherfore, concernynge the resurreccion, I protest 
before god and oure savioure Jesus Christ, and before 
the vniversall congregation that beleveth in him, that 
I beleve accordynge to the open and manyfest scriptures 
and catholyck fayth, that Christ is rysen agayne in the 
flesshe which he receaved of his mother the blessed 

* The words ' diligentlye oversene and correct ' should be read 
as a sarcastic quotation. These sentences sum up Tyndale's case. 


virgin marie, and bodye wherin he dyed. And that we shall 
all both good and bad ryse both flesshe and bodye, and 
apere together before the iudgement seat of christ, to 
receave every man accordynge to his dedes. And that the 
bodyes of all that beleve and contynew in the true fayth 
of christ, shalbe endewed with lyke immortalyte and 
glorie as is the bodye of christ. 

And I protest before God and oure savioure Christ 
and all that beleve in him, that I holde of the soules that 
are departed as moche as maye be proved by manifest 
and open scripture, and thinke the soules departed in the 
fayth of Christ and love of the lawe of God, to be in no 
worse case then the soule of Christ was, from ye tyme 
that he delivered his sprite into the handes of his father, 
vntyll the resurreccion of his bodye in glorie and immor- 
talite. Neverthelater, I confesse openly, that I am not 
persuaded that they be all readie in the full glorie that 
Christ is in, or the elect angels of god arc in. Nether is it 
anye article of my fayth : for if it so were, I se not but 
then the preachinge of the resurreccion of the flesshe 
were a thinge in vayne. Notwitlistondinge yet I am 
readie to beleve it, if it maye be proved with open scrip- 
ture. And I have desyred George Joye to take open 
textes that seme to make for that purpose, as this is, 
To daye thou shalt be with me in Paradise, to make 
therof what he coulde, and to let his dreames aboute 
this worde resurreccion goo. For I receave not in the 
scripture the pry vat interpretacion of any marines brayiic, 
without open testimony of eny scriptures agreinge thereto. 

Moreover I take God (which alone seeth the heart) to 
recorcle to my conscience, bescchingc him that my parte 
be not in the bloude of Christ, if I wrote of all that 1 have 
wrytten thorow oute all my boke, ought of an evcll pur- 
pose, of envie or malice to anye man, or to sterc vp any 


false doctrine or opinion in the churche of Christ, or to 
be auctor of any secte, or to drawe disciples after me, 
or that I wolde be estemed or had in pryce above the 
least chylde that is borne, save onlye of pitie and com- 
passion I had and yet have on the blindnes of my brethren, 
and to bringe them vnto the knowledge of Christ, and to 
make every one of them, if it were possible as perfect as 
an angell of heaven, and to wede oute all that is not planted 
of oure hevenly father, and to bringe doune all that 
lyfteth vp it selfe agaynst the knowledge of the salvacion 
that is in the bloude of Christ. Also, my parte be not in 
Christ, if myne heart be not to folowe and lyve accordinge 
as I teache, and also if myne heart wepe not nyght and 
dayefor myneawne synneand other mennes indifferentlye, 
besechinge God to convert vs all, and to take his wrath 
from vs, and to be mercifull as well to all other men, as to 
myne awne soule, caringe for the welth of the realme 
I was borne in, for the kinge and all that are therof, as 
a tender hearted mother wolde do for hir only sonne. 

As concerninge all I have translated or other wise 
written, I beseche all men to reade it for that purpose 
I wrote it : even to bringe them to the knowledge of the 
scripture. And as farre as the scripture approveth it, so 
farre to alowe it, and if in anye place the worde of God 
dysalow it, there to refuse it, as I do before oure savyour 
Christ and his congregation. And where they fynde fautes 
let them shew it me, if they be nye, or wryte to me, if 
they be farre of : or wryte openly agaynst it and im- 
prove it, and I promyse them, if I shall perceave that 
there reasons conclude I will conf esse myne ignoraunce 

Wherfore I beseche George Joye, ye and all other to, for 
to translate the scripture for them selves, whether oute 
of Greke, Latyn or Hebrue. Or (if they wyll nedes) as the 


foxe when he hath pyssed in the grayes 5 hole chalengeth 
it for his awne, so let them take my translations and 
laboures, and chaunge and alter, and correcte and cor- 
rupte at their pleasures, and call it their awne translations, 
and put to their awne names, and not to playe boo pepe 
after George Joyes maner. Which whether he have 
done faythfully and truly, with soche reverence and feare 
as becommeth the worde of God, and with soche love 
and mekenes and affection to vnite and circumspexcion 
that the vngodlye have none occasion to rayle on the 
verite, as becommeth the servauntes of Christ, I referre 
it to the iudgmentes of them that knowe and love the 
trouth. For this I protest, that I provoke not Joye ner 
any other man (but am prouoked, and that after the 
spytfullest maner of provokynge) to do sore agaynst iny 
will and with sorow of harte that I now do. But I nether 
can ner will soffre of anye man, that he shall goo take my 
translacion and correct it without name, and make soche 
chaungynge as I my selfe durst not do, as I hope to have 
my parte in Christ, though the hole worlde shuld be 
geven me for my laboure. 

Finally that new Testament thus dyligently corrected, 
besyde this so ofte puttinge oute this worde resurrection, 
and I wote not what other chaunge, for I have not yet 
reede it over, hath in the ende before the Table of the 
Epistles and Gospelles this tytle : 

(Here endeth the new Testament dylygentlye ouer- 
sene and correct and printed now agayne at Andwarp, 
by me wydow of Christophell of Endhouen. In the yere 
of cure Lorde. A.M.D. xxxiiii in August) Which tytle 
(reader) I have here put in because by this thou shalt 
knowe the booke the better. Vale. 

6 A badger. 


From Joy's second edition. Antwerp, by Catharyn (wydow of 
Christoffel of Endhouen), January 9, IS35, 1 sigs. C ;-C8 recto. 

Vnto the Reader 

Thus endeth the new Testament prynted after the 
copye corrected by George Joye : wherin for englissh- 
yng thys worde Resurrectio, the lyfe after this. W. Tin- 
dale was so sore offended that he wrote hys vncharitable 

1 As this edition has only recently come to light I append 
a collation. 

Title missing. Colophon : C The ende of the hole new Testa- 
met | with the Pistles taken out of the olde | Testament/ to be 
red in the chirche | certayn dayes thorowt the year. | Prynted 
now agayne at Ant- | werpe by me Catharyn wy- | dowe [of 
Christoffel of Endhouen] in the yere of oure | lorde. M.CCCCC, 
and | xxxv, the ix. daye of | Januarye. 

472 leaves. Sigs. : + a-z, A-H, Aa-Xx, Aaa-Ccc, A-C in 
eights. 32 lines to a page. 16. 

[Title %t i ft ; Almanacke^ i b ;] Kalendar DJ< 2 a ]->{i ; b ; The 
Gospell of S. Matthew &c. to end of the Actes^i 8 b -Xx8 b ; title 
to the Epistles of the Apostle of S. Paul, within a border contain- 
ing the mark c | E Aai a , verso blank ; The Epistles &c. Aa 
2 a -[Bbb i 1 '] ; Table/ wherein you shall fynde/ the Pistelys to the 
Gospellys after the vse/ of Sarysbuery. Bbb ii-[Ccc 6 b ], followed 
by Ccc 7 and 8, which may have been both blank ; [? Title to the 
Pistles taken out of the olde Testament] Ai ; heading to the 
Pistles and text A2 a -C6 b ; Vnto the Reader, C7 a -C8* ; Colo- 
phon, C8 b . 

The heading to the Epistles reads as follows : 

C Here f olow the pistles | taken out of the olde Testament/ to 
be | red in the chyrche certayn dayes tho : | rowt the year : 
traslated by George Jo- | ye/ i copared with the Pistles pointed [ 
forth ad red in the messe boke/ and also | withe the chapiters 
alleged in the By- | ble : so that nowe here they maye be fo- 1 
unde easlyer then euer before. Whiche | thys my laboure in 
translatyng these | pistles in correcking % redressing them | to 
make them correspondent wyth the chapters alleged in the 
byble/ ad with | tho pistles red in the chirche/ whe- | ther yt be 


pistle agenst me prefixed [to] his newe corrected testa- 
ment, prynted 1534. in Nouember, entytled. W. T. 
yet once more to the Christen redere. Which pistle 
W. T. hath promysed before certayne men and me (or els 
I wolde my selfe haue defended my name and clered 
myselfe of those lyes and sclaunders there writen of me) 
that he wolde calle agene his Pystle and so correcte 
yt, redresse yt, and reforme yt accordinge to my mynde 
that I shulde be therewyth contented, and vs bothe 
(as agreed) to salute the readers withe one salutacion in 
the same reformed pistle to be set before his testament 
now in printing. And that I, for my parte shulde 
(a rekeninge and reson firste geuen of my translacion of 
the worde) permyt yt vnto the iudgement of the lerned 
in christis chirche. Which thynge, verely I do not onely 
gladly consent there to, vpon the condicion on his parte, 
but desyer them all to iuge expends and trye all that 
euer I haue or shall wryte, by the scriptures. 

Let yt not therfore in the mean ccason offeudc the 
(good indifferent reder) nor yet auerte thy mynde nether 
from W. Tindale nor fro me : nor yet from redyng our 
bokis whiche teche and declare the very doctryne and 
Gospel of Christe, because yt thus chaunccth vs to varyc 
and contende for the trewe englisshing of this one worde 
Resurrectio in certayne places of the newe Testament, 
For I doubt not but that God hathe so prouyded yt, 
that our stryfe and dyssent shalbe vnto hys chirche the 
cause of aperfayter concorde and consent in Ihys mater, 
Noman to thinke hence forth that the soulis departed 
slepe with out heauen feling nether payne nor ioye vntill 

more diligent then | hathe ben shewd hitherto/ | let the indifferent 
re- 1 clers be iuges. 

The unique copy in the British Museum wants sigs J- 1, 2, He i 
Bbb i, Bbb 8-Ccc 2 t Ccc 6-8, A i. 


domes daye as the Anabaptistis dreame but to be a lyue 
in that lyfe after thys whithe, and in Christe in blysse 
and ioye in heuen, as the scriptures clerely testifye. 
Whych verite and true doctrine off Christe and his 
apostles, as y t is a swete and present consolacion vnto the 
pore afflicte persecuted and trowbled in thys worlde for 
Christis sake when they shall dye, so doeth the tother 
false opinion and erroneouse doctryne, that is to weit, 
that they sleap out of heauen nether feling payn nor 
ioye, minyster and geue perellous audacite and bolde 
suernes to the vngodly here to lyue styl and continew in 
their wickednes, sith they se and be so taught that after 
their departing there is no punysshment but sleap and 
reste as wel as do the soulis of the good and ryghteous 
tyll domes daye. Which daye as some of them beleue 
it to be very longe ere yt come, so do many of them 
beleue that yt shal neuer come. Also to stryue for the 
knowlege of the trowth with a meke and godly contencion 
bathe happened vnto farre perfayter men then we be 
bothe, Nether haue there bene euer any felowship so 
fewe and smal, but some tyme syche breache and imper- 
feccion hath hapened emonge them for a lytle ceason 
(as I trust in god this shal not continew longe betwene 
vs two) ye and that euen emonge the apostles as betwene 
Paule and Peter, and Paule and Bernabas. This thing 
(I saye) may fall vpon vs also to lerne men that all men 
be but lyers and maye erre, and to warne vs that we 
depende not wholl vpon any mannis translacion nor hys 
doctryne nether to be sworne nor addicte to any mamTifc 
lerning, make he neuer so holye and deuoute protesta- 
cions and prologs, but to mesure all mennis wrytingis, 
worlds and wordis wyth the infallible worde off God 
to whom be prayse and glory for euer. 



Extracts from An Apologye made by George Joye to satisfye 
(if it may be) W. Tindale of hys new Testament, 1535. (Unique 
copy at the University Library, Cambridge, Sayle 568.) 

How we were once agreed. 

After that w. Tyndale had putforth in prynt and 
thrusted his vncharitable pystle into many mennis 
handis, his frendis and myne vnderstanding that I had 
prepared my defence to pourge and clere my name 
whyche he had defamed and defiled, called vs togither 
to moue vs to a Concorde and peace, where I shewed 
them my grete greif and sorowe, for that he shulde so 
falsely belye and sclaunder me of syche crymes which 
I neuer thought, spake, nor wrote, and of siche which 
I knowe wel his owne conscience doth testifye the 
contrarie, euen that I denied the Resureccion of the 
bodie, but beleue it is constantly as himself e : and this 
with other haynous crymes whiche he impingeth vnto 
me in his pistle, nether he nor no man els shall neuer 
proue : wherfore except Tin. (sayd I) wil reuoke the 
sclaunders fayned vpon me hym self, I wyl (as I am 
bounde) defende my fame and name, whiche there is 
nothyng to me more dere and leif And to be shorte 
aftir many wordis : It was thus thorowe the mocion of 
our frendis concluded for our agrement and peace : 
That I shulde for my parte (a reason 



translated this worde Resurrectio into 

the lyfe after this) permyt and leaue my translacion vnto 
the iugement of the lerned in chrislis chirche. And T. 
on his parte shuld cal agein his pistle into his hand, 
so to redresse it, reforme it, and correcke it from siche 


sclaunderous lyes as I was therwith offended and he 
coude not iustifye them, that I shulde be therwith wel 
contented, T. addyng with hys own mouthe that we 
shulde with one accorde in his next testament then in 
printing in the stede of this vncharitable pistle wher- 
with I was offended, salute the reders with one comon 
salutacion to testifye our concorde : of these con- 
ditions we departed louyngly. Then after .v. or vj. dayes 
I came to Tin. to se the correction and reformacion of 
hys pistle, and he sayd he neuer thought of it sence, 
I prayd him to make yt redy shortely (for I longed sore 
to se it) and came agene to him after .v. or .vj. dayes. 
Then he sayd it was so wryten that I coude not rede it : 
and I sayd I was wel aquainted with his hande and 
shulde rede it wel ynough : but he xindal first 
wolde not let me se it. I came agene breaketh hys pro- 
the thirde tyme desyring him to se it, m y se - 
but then had he bethought him of this cauyllacion con- 
trary to the conditions of our agrement, that he wolde 
firste se my reasons and wryte agenst them ere I shulde 
se this his reformacion and reuocacion. Then thought I, 
syth my parte and reasons be put into the iugement of 
the lerned, T. ought not to write agenst them tyl their 
iugement be done, no nor yet then nether, syth he is 
content before these men to stonde to their iugement, 
and not to contende any more of thys mater withe me. 
yet I came agene the fourthe tyme, and to be shorte : 
he persisted in his laste purpose and wolde fyrste se my 
reasons and wryte agenst them and then leaue the 
mater to the iugement of Doctour Barnes 1 and of his 
felowe called Hijpinus pastour of s. nicholas parisshe in 
Hambourg, adding that he wolde reuoke that euer he 

1 Robert Barnes, formerly Prior of the Cambridge Augustinians, 
burnt in 1540. 


wrote that I shulde denye the resurrection. Then I tolde 
one of the men that was present at the conditions of 
our agrement all this mater : and wrote vnto the other 
these answers that I had : so ofte seking vpon T. to he 
at peace and to stande to hys promyse, desyering them 
al to moue him and aduyse him to holde his promyse, 
or els, if he wolde not, them not to blame me thoughe 
I defende my selfe and clere my fame whiche he hath 
thus falsely and vncharitably denigrated, deformed, and 
hurte. But in conclusion I perceyued that T. was half 
ashamed to reuoke according to his promyse al that he 
coude not iustifye by me, and with whiche I was so 
offended, wherfore sythe he wolde not kepe promyse, 
I am compelled to answere here now for my selfe : 
which I desier euery indifferent reder to iuge indifferently. 


From the same, A. 19-23. 

Lo good Reder, here mayst thou se of what nature 
and complexion T. is so sodenly fyerccly and boldely 
to choppe in to any mannis conscience 

and S0 to Vsur P* a d P^ nt th 
office of god in iugment which is onely 

the enseer and sercher of herte and myndc. Thys 
godly man, iugeth and noteth me vayngloriousc curiouse 
and couetouse, and al for correcking a false copie of 
the testament that thei mought be the trwelycr printed 
agen, and so not so many false bokis solde into the 
realme to the hurt and deceyt of the byers and rcders of 
them. I correcked but the false copye whorby and af tir 
whyche the printer dyd sette his boke and correcked 
the same himself in the presse. 


But I shall now playnly and sengly (for the trowth 
knoweth no fucated polesshed and paynted oracion) 
declare vnto euery man, wherof, howe, and by whom 
I was moued and desyered to correcke this false copie 
that shulde els haue brought forth mo then two thousand 
falser bokes more then euer englond had before. 

First, thou shalt knowe that Tindal aboute .viij. or 
.ix. yere a goo translated and printed the new testament 
in a mean great volume, 1 but yet wyth oute Kalender, 
concordances in the margent, and table in thende. 
And a non af tir the dwche men 2 gote a copye and printed 
it agen in a small volume adding the kalendare in the 
begynning, concordances in the margent, and the table 
in thende. But yet, for that they had no englisshe man 
to correcke the setting, thei themselue hauyng not the 
knowlege of our tongue, were compelled to make many 
mo f autes then were in the copye, and so corrupted the 
boke that the simple reder might ofte tymes be taryed 
and steek. Aftir this thei printed it agein also without 
a correctour in a greatter letter and volume with the 
figures in thapocalipse whiche were therfore miche falser 
then their firste. 3 when these two pryntes (there were 
of them bothe aboute v. thousand bokis printed) were 
al soulde more then a twelue moneth a goo, Tind. was 
pricked forthe to take the testament in hande, to print 
it and correcke it as he professeth and promyseth to do 
in the later ende of his first translacion. 4 But T. pro- 

1 A mean great volume, apparently the Worms octavo of 1526. 

2 Christoffel and Hans van Endhoven in their Antwerp edition 
of 1 526. 

3 This may be the edition of 1532 of which Dr. Angus possessed 
a mutilated title-page, a tracing from which was reproduced by 
Mr. Demaus in his Life of Tyndale. 

4 i. e. in the Epilogue to the Worms octavo. See No. X. 


longed and differred so necessary a thing and so iust 
desyers of many men. In so miche that in the mean 
season, the dewch men prynted it agen the thyrde tyme 
in a small volume lyke their firste prynt, but miche 
more false than euer it was before. And yet was T. 
here called vpon agen, seyng there were so many false 
printed bokis stil putforth and bought vp so fast (for 
now was ther geuen thanked be god a lytel space to 
breath and reste vnto christis chirche aftir so longe and 
greuouse persecucion for reading the bokes) But yet 
before this thyrd tyme of printing the boke, the printer 
desiered me to correcke it: And I sayd It were wel 
done (if ye printed them agene) to make them truer, 
and not to deceiuc our nacion with any mo false bokis, 
neuertheles I suppose that T. himself wil put it forth 
more perfait and newly corrected, which if he do, yours 
shalbe naught set by nor neuer solde. This not with- 
standing yet thei printed them and that most false and 
aboute .ij. M. bokis, and had shortly solde them all. Al 
this longe while T. slept, for nothing came from him as 
farre as I coude perceiue. Then the dewchc began to 
printe them the fowrth tyme because thei sawe noman els 
goyng aboute them, and aftir thei had printed the first 
leif which copye a nother englissh man had correckecl to 
them, thei came to me and desiered me to correcke them 
their copie, whom I answered as before, that if T. 
amende it with so gret diligence as he promysethc, yours 
wilbe neuer solde. Yisse quod thei, for if he pryntc .ij. 
m. and we as many, what is so litle a noumber for all 
englond ? and we wil sel ours beter cheapc, 6 and thcrfore 
we doubt not of the sale : so that I perceyued well and 
was suer, that whether I had correcked thcyr copyc or 

* Joye apparently saw nothing objectionable in this intention 
to undersell Tynclale's own revision. 


not, thei had gone forth with their worke and had geuen 
vs .ij.m. mo bokis falselyer printed then euer we had be- 
fore. Then I thus considred with myself : englond hath 
ynowe and to many false testaments and is now likely 
to haue many mo : ye and that whether T. correck his 
or no, yet shal these now in hand goforth vncorrecked 
to, except some body correck them : And what T. dothe 
I wote not, he maketh me nothing of his counsel, I se 
nothyng come from him all this longe whyle. wherin 
with the helpe that he hathe, that is to saye one bothe 
to wryte yt and to correcke it in the presse, he myght 
haue done it thryse sencp he was first moued to do 
it. For T. I know wel was not able to do yt with out 
siche an helper which he hathe euer had hitherto. 
Aftir this (I saye) consydered, the printer came to me 
agen and off red me .ij. stuuers and an halfe for the 
correcking of euery sheet of the copye, which folden 
contayneth .xvj, leaues, and for thre stuuers which is 
.iiij. pense halpeny starling, I promised to do it, so that 
in al I had for my labour but .xiiij. shylyngis flemesshe, 
which labour, had not the goodnes of the deede and 
comon profyte and helpe to the readers compelled 
me more then the money, I wolde not haue done yt 
for .v, tymes so miche, the copie was so corrupt and 
especially the table : and yet saith T. I did it of couetous- 
nes : If this be couetousnes, then was Tindal moche more 
covetouse, for he (as I her say) toke .x. ponde for his 
correccion. I dyd it also, sayth he, of curiositie and 
vaynglory, ye and that secretly : and did not put to 
my name, whiche, I saye, be two euydent tokens that 
I sought no vaynglory, for he that doth a thing secretly 
and putteth out hys name, how seketh he vaynglory? 
and yet is not the man ashamed to wryte that vaynglory 
and couetousnes where my two blynde goides, but I tell 



Tin. agen, that if malyce and enuy (for all his holy 
protestacions) had not bene his two blynde goidis, he 
wold neuer haue thus falsely, vncharitably, and so 
spightfully belyed and sclaundred me with so perpetual 
an infamie. Tin. saith I walked not aftir the rules of 
loue and softenes, but let men read how maliciously 
he belyeth and sclaundereth me for wel doing : and 
iuge what rule of loue and softnes he obseruethe. It is 
greate shame to the teacher when his owne deedis and 
wordis reproue and condempne himself: He hath 
grete experience of my natural disposicion and com- 
plexion saith he. But I wyll not be his Phisicion and 
decerne his water at this tyme. And as for his two 
disciplis that gaped so longe for their masters morsel 
that thei might haue the aduauntage of the sale of his 
bokis of which one sayd vnto me. It were almose 6 he 
were hanged that correcketli the testament for the 
dewch, and the tother harped on his masters vntwned 
string, saying that because I englissh Resurreccion the 
lyfe aftir this, men gatherd that I denied the general 
resurreccion : which errour (by their own sayng) was 
gathred longe before this boke was printed, vnto which 
ether of theis disciples I semed no honest man for 
correcking the copye, I wil not now name them, nor yet 
shew how one of them, neuer I dare say seyng s. lerome 
de optimo genere interpretandi, yet toke vpon him to 
teche me how I shuld translat the scripturis, where 
I shuld geue worde for worde, and when I shulde make 
scholias, notis, and gloses in the mergent as himself 
and hys master doith. But in good faithe as for me I had 
as lief put the trwthe in the text as in the margent and 
excepte the glose expowne the text (as many of theirs 
do not) or where the text is playn ynough : 1 had as 
* Almose, alms, a mercy. 


lief leue sich fryuole gloses clene out. I wolde the scrip- 
ture were so purely and playnly translated that it neded 
nether note, glose nor scholia, 7 so that the reder might 
once swimme without a corke. But this testament was 
printed or T. was begun, and that not by my preuencion, 
but by the printers quicke expedicion and T. own longe 
sleaping, for as for me I had nothing to do with the 
printing ther of, but correcked their copie only, as where 
I f ounde a worde falsely printed, I mended it : and when 
I came to some derke sentencis that no reason coude 
be gathered of them whether it was by the ignorance 
of the first translatour or of the prynter, I had the latyne 
text by me and made yt playn : and where any sentence 
was vnperfite or dene left oute I restored it agene : and 
gaue many wordis their pure and natiue signification 
in their places which thei had not before. For my 
conscience so compelled me to do, and not willingly and 
wetingly to slip ouer siche fautis into the hurte of the 
text or hinderance of the reder. 


From HaUe's Chronicle, ' The Union of the two noble and 
illustre families of Lancastre & Yorke.' London, R. Graf ton, 
1548, reign of Henry VIII, fol. CC.xxvii. 

This yere in the moneth of September Wyllyam 
Tyndale otherwyse called Hichyns was by the crueltie 
of the clergie of Louayn condempned and burned in 
a toune besyde Bruxelles in Braband called Vylford. 
This man translated the New testament into Englishe 
and fyrst put it in Prynt, and likewise he translated 

7 It is Joye who writes this, not Tyndale (cp. note to XXIII), 
and he desired to make it possible by manipulating the text 
according to his views. The text reads ' puerly and plyanly '. 



the v. bookes of Moses, losua, ludicum, Ruth, the 
bookes of the Kynges and the bookes of Paralipomenon, 
Nehemias or the fyrst of Esdras, the Prophet lonas, and 
no more of the holy scripture. He made also diuers 
treatises, which of many were well Jyked and highly 
praysed, and of many vtterly dispised and abhorred, 
and especially of the moste part of the bishoppes of this 
realme, who often by their great labours caused Procla- 
macions to be made against his bookes, and gatte them 
condempned and brent, aswell the Newe testament as 
other woorkes of his doynges . . . 


From Harley MS* 422, fol. 87. One of Fox's manuscripts. 

The lyke fyne answer he 1 [Mr. Thomas Lawney] made 
of Bisshopp Stokeleys answer made to my Lorde of 
Cant, his letters requiryng his part of the translation of 
the new Testament. 

My Lorde Cromwell mynding to haue the New Testa- 
ment thoroughlie corrected, deuided the same into 
ix or x partes and caused yt to be written at large in 
paper bokes and sent vnto the best lernyd Bisshopps, 
and other lernyd men, tothintent thei sholde make a 
perfectt correccion thereof, and when thei hadd don 
to sende them vnto hym at Lambethe by a day lyniyted 
for that purpose. It chanced that the Actes of the 
"Apostells were sent to Bisshopp stokisley to ouersee and 
correcte than Bisshopp of London, When the day came 
euerymanne hadd sentt to Lambeth thair partes correcte, 2 

1 Thomas Lawney was chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk. 

* This seems highly improbable (cp. No. XXXIII), One 
bishop, however, Stephen Gardiner, performed his task, as on 
June 10, 1535, he wrote to Cromwell : ' I haue as gret cause as 


onlie Stokisley's portion wanted, My Lorde of Cant, 
wrote to the Bisshopp lettres for his parte. requiring to 
delyuer them vnto the bringer this his Secretary. 
Bisshopp Stokesley being at Fulham receyued the lettres, 
vnto the whiche he made this answer, I maruaile what 
my Lorde of Canterbury meaneth, that thus abuseth 
the people in gyving them libertie to reade the scriptures, 
which doith nothing els but infect them with heryses, 
I haue bestowed neuer an howre apon my portion nor 
neuer will. And therfore, my lorde shall haue his boke 
againe, for I will neuer be gyltie to bring the simple 
people into error. 

My Lorde of Cant, servaunte toke the boke, and 
brought the same to Lambeth vnto my Lorde, declaring 
my Lorde of London's answer. When my 1. had per- 
ceyued that the Bisshopp hadd don nothing therein, 
I marvaile quod my Lorde of Cant, that my Lorde of 
London ys so frowarde, that he will not do as other 
men do. Mr Lawney stode by hearyng my lorde speake 
somoche of the Bisshopps vntowardnes, saied, I can tell 
your grace whie my Lorde will not bestowe any labor 
or payne this way. Your grace knoweth well (quod 
Lawney) that his portion ys a pece of Newe Testament, 
And than he being persuaded that Christe had bequeth 
hym nothing in his Testament, thoughte it were madnes 
to bestowe any labour or payne where no gayne was 
to be gotten, And besides this It ys the Actes of the 
Apostells, whiche were symple poore felowes, and ther- 

any man to desire rest and quiet for the helth of my body ; 
wherunto I thought to haue entended and to absteyne from 
bookes and wryting, hauing finished the translation of Saynt 
Luke and Saynt John, wherin I have spent a gret labour, 
(State Papers oj Henry VIII, vol. i, p. 430. Printed ' From 
Crumwell's Correspondence in the Chapter House. Bundle W.') 


fore my lord of London disdayned to haue to do with 
any of thair Actes. 

My Lorde of Cant, and other that stode by coulde 
not forbere from lawghter to here Mr Lawney's accute 
invensyon in answeryng to the Bisshopp of London's 
frowarde answer to my lorde of Cant, lettres. 


Part of a deposition of Jacob's son Emanuel in 1609, as to the 
Dutch Church in London, quoted from the transcript in ' The 
Marriage, Baptismal and Burials Registers of the Dutch Re- 
formed Church, Austin Friars, London ; edited by W. J. C. Moens.' 
Lymington, 1884. 

Emanuel Demetrius, marchant of Andwarp, aged 
about 74 yeares, doth witnes and can depose. That he 
was brought in England Anno 1550 in King Edward's 
the 6 dayes, by his Father, a furtherer of reformed religion, 
and he that caused the first Bible at his costes to be 
Englisshed by Mr. Myles Coverdal in Andwarp, the which 
his father, with Mr. Edward Whytchurch, printed both 
in Paris and London, 1 by which nieanes he, wel ac- 
quaynted, was one of the Suters for the erection of a 
Dutche Church at the Augustin Fryers and made this 
Deponent a member of the same Anno 1552. 

And he doth wel remember that the Churchyeard and 
houses on bothe sydes of the West dore of the Church 
were inhabited and possessed by the Members of the 

1 There is an obvious confusion here between the 'first Bible' 
of I535> which was certainly not printed at Paris and London, 
and the first Great Bible, which was begun at Paris and finished 
at London. 


Church. And harde his sayd father and others of the 
Elders of the Church often tymes consel of buylding 
there [&c.] . . . Thus much I can depose, in London, 
28 of May, 1609. Emanuel Demetrius. 


Part of ' Het leven ende sterven vanden eerweerden, vromen 
ende vermaerden, Emanuel van Meteren, cortelijck beschreven 
door sijnen ghetrouwen Vriendt, Simeon Ruytinck,' forming 
an appendix to ' Emanuels van Meteren Historic der Neder- 
landscher ende haerder Naburen Oorlogen ende geschiedenissen. ' 
In 's Graven-Haghe, 1614. 

Emanuel van Meteren, die met grooten vlijt ende 
vernuft desen Boeck by een versamelt was heeft , t' Ant- 
werpen gheboren den 9. lulij 1535. 

Sijn Vader hiet lacob van Meteren van Breda, Sone 
van Cornelius van Meteren. Sijn Moeder hiet Ottilia 
Ortels, docter van Willem Ortels van Ausborch, die 
Groot-vader was, van den wijdt-beroemden Werelt 
beschrijver, Abrahamus Ortelius. 

Sijn Vader in sijn leucht hadde ghelurt die edele 
Conste van't Letter setten, hy was begaeft met de 
kennisse van veelderley talen ende andere goede weten- 
schappen, wist van in die tijden t'licht t'onderscheyden 
van dysternisse, ende bethoonde sijnen bysonderen yver 
in't becostighen vande oversettinghe ende Dmck vanden 
Engelschen Bijbel binnen Antwerpen, daer toe ghe- 
bruyckende den dienst van een gheleert Student met 
namen Miles Couerdal, tot groote bevoorderinghe van het 
Rijcke lesu Christi in Enghelandt. 


Emanuel van Meteren, who with great industry and 
intelligence brought together the present book, was born 
at Antwerp, 9 July, 1535, 


His father, named Jacob van Meteren of Breda, was 
son of Cornelius van Meteren. His mother, named 
Ottilia Ortels, was daughter of Willem Ortels of Augsburg, 
the grandfather of the far-famed Cosmographer, Abraham 

His father had taught him in his youth the noble art 
of letter-setting, and he was endowed with a knowledge 
of several languages and other useful sciences. He knew 
how to distinguish light from darkness, and showed 
his zeal more especially in bearing the cost of the trans- 
lating and printing of the English Bible at Antwerp, 1 
using for this purpose the services of a learned student 
named Miles Couerdale, to the great advancement of the 
kingdom of Jesus Christ in England. 



Considerynge now (most gracyous prynce) the inesti- 
mable treasure, frute & prosperite euerlastynge, that God 
geueth with his worde, and trustynge in his infynite 
goodnes that he wolde brynge my symple and rude 
laboure herin to good effecte, therfore as the holy goost 
moued other men to do the cost herof ,* so was I boldened 

1 If this version of the Van Meteren legend were not at third 
hand, Ruytinck's version of Emanuel's recollections of what his 
father had told him, it would be entitled to some weight as 
evidence as to where the Bible of 1535 was printed. As it stand?? 
it can hardly be adduced as evidence of more than some general 
support of Coverdale. 

1 The plural here seems to negative any theory that Jacob 
van Meteren bore the whole expense, as has been contended. It 
is probable that Cromwell was one of Coverdale's instigators ; 
whether he helped him with funds is much more doubtful. 


in God, to laboure in the same. Agayne, consyderynge 
youre Imperiall maiestye not onely to be my naturall 
soueraigne liege Lorde & chefe heade of the church of 
Englonde, but also the true defender and maynteyner of 
Gods lawes, I thought it my dutye, and to bdonge vnto 
my allegiaunce, whan I had translated this Bible, not 
onely to dedicate this translacyon vnto youre highnesse, 
but wholy to commytte it vnto the same : to the intent 
that yf any thynge therin be translated amysse (for in 
many thynges we fayle, euen whan we thynke to be sure) 
it may stonde in youre graces handes, to correcte it, to 
amende it, to improue it, yee and cleane to reiecte it, yf 
youre godly wysdome shall thynke it necessary. And 
as I do with all humblenes submitte myne vnderstond- 
ynge, and my poore translacyon vnto the spirite of 
traeth in your grace, so make I this protestacyon (hauyng 
God to recorde in my conscience) that I haue nether 
wrested nor altered so moch as one worde for the mayn- 
tenaunce of any maner of secte : but haue with a deare 
conscience purely and faythfully translated this out of 
f yue sundry interpreters, 2 hauyng onely the manyfest 
trueth of the scripture before myne eyes : Trustynge in 
the goodnes of God, that it shalbe vnto his worshippe : 
quietnes and tranquilite vnto your highnes : a perfecte 
stablyshment of all Gods ordynaunces within youre 
graces domynion : a generall comforte to all Christen 
hertes, and a continuall thankfulnesse both of olde and 
yonge vnto god, and to youre grace, for beynge oure 
Moses, and for bringynge vs out of this olde Egypte from 
the crudl handes of our spirituall Pharao. For where 
were the lewes (by ten thousande partes) so moch bounde 
vnto Kynge Dauid, for subduynge of greate Goliath, and 
all theyr enemyes, as we are to your grace, for delyuerynge 
2 See Introduction, p._i2. 


vs out of oure olde Babylonycall captiuyte ? 3 For the 
whiche delyueraunce and victory I beseke oure onely 
medyatoure lesus Christ, to make soch meanes for vs 
vnto his heauenly father, that we neuer be vnthankfull 
vnto him, ner vnto youre grace : but that we euer 
increace in the feare of him, in obedience vnto your 
hyghnesse, in loue vnfayned vnto oure neghbours : and 
in all vertue that commeth of God. To whom for the 
defendynge of his blessed worde (by your graces most 
rightfull administracyon) be honoure and thankes, glory 
and dominyon, worlde without ende, Amen. 

Youre graces humble sub- 

iecte and daylye oratour, 

Myles Couerdale. 



A prologe 
Myles Couerdale Vnto the Christen reader 

COnsiderynge how excellent knowlege and lernynge an 
interpreter of scripture oughte to haue in the tongues, 
and ponderyng also myne owne insufficiency therm, and 
how weake I am to perfourme the office of translatoure, 
I was the more lothe to medle with this worke. Notwith- 
stondynge whan I consydered how greate pytie it was 
that we shulde wante it so longe, and called to my re- 
membraunce the aduersite of them, which were not onely 
of rype knowlege, but wolde also with all theyr hertes 
haue perfourmed that they beganne, yf they had not had 

3 The phrase is from Luther's tract, De Captiuitate Baby- 
lonica Ecclesiae. 


impediment l : considerynge (I saye) that by reason of 
theyr aduersyte it coulde not so soone haue bene broughte 
to an ende, as oure most prosperous nacyon wolde fayne 
haue had it : these and other reasonable causes con- 
sydered, I was the more bolde to take it in hande. And 
to helpe me herin, I haue had sondrye translations, not 
onely in latyn, but also of the Douche interpreters 2 : 
whom (because of theyr synguler gyftes and speciall 
diligence in the Bible) I haue ben the more glad to folowe 
for the most parte, accordynge as I was requyred. 3 
But to saye the trueth before God, it was nether my 
laboure ner desyre, to haue this worke put in my hande : 
neuertheles it greued me that other nacyons shulde be 
more plenteously prouyded for with the scripture in theyr 
mother tongue, then we : therfore whan I was instantly 
requyred, though I coulde not do so well as I wolde, I 
thought it yet my dewtye to do my best, and that with 
a good wyll. 

where as some men thynke now that many transla- 
cyons make diuisyon in the fayth and in the people of 
God, that is no[t] so : for it was neuer better with the 
congregation of god, then whan euery church allmost 
had the Byble of a sondrye translacyon. Amonge the 
Grekes had not Origen a specyall translacyon? Had 
not Vulgarius one peculyar, and lykewyse Chrysostom ? 
Besyde the seuentye interpreters, is there not the trans- 
lacyon of Aquila, of Theodotio, of Symachus, and of 
sondrye other ? Agayne amonge the Latyn men, thou 
findest that euery one allmost vsed a specyall and sondrye 
translacyon : for in so inoch as euery bysshoppe had the 

1 The reference seems to be clearly to Tyndale, but Coverdale 
must have begun his task long before Tyndale's arrest. 
a See Introduction, p. 12. 
Compare the first note to the preceding section. 


knowlege of the tongues, he gaue his diligence to haue 
the Byble of his awne translacion. The doctours, as 
Hireneus, Cyprianus, S. Iherome, S. Augustine, Hylarius 
and S. Ambrose vpon dyuerse places of the scripture reade 
not the texte all alyke. 

Therfore oughte it not to be taken as euel, that soche 
men as haue vnderstondynge now in our tyme, exercyse 
them selues in the tongues, and geue their diligence to 
translate out of one language in to another. Yee we 
ought rather to geue god hye thankes therfore, which 
thorow his sprete stereth vp mens myndes, so to exercise 
them selues therin. wolde god it had neuer bene left of after 
the tyme of S. Augustine, then shulde we neuer haue come 
in to soch blindnes and ignoraunce, in to soch erroures 
and delusyons. For as soone as the Byble was cast asyde, 
and nomore put in exercyse, then beganne euery one of his 
awne heade to wryte what so euer came in to his brayne 
and that semed to be good in his awne eyes : and so 
grewe the darknes of mens tradicions. And this same is 
the cause that we haue had so many wryters, which 
seldome made mencyon of the scripture of the Byble : 
and though they some tyme aleged it, yet was it done so 
farre out of season and so wyde from the purpose, that 
a man maye well perceaue, how that they neuer sawe 
the oryginall. 

Seynge then that this diligent exercyse of translatynge 
doth so moch good and edifyeth in other languages, why 
shulde it do so euell in oures ? Doutles lyke as all 
nacyons in the dyuersite of speaches maye knowe one 
God in the vnyte of faith, and be one in loue : euen so 
maye dyuerse translacyons vnderstonde one another, 
and that in the head articles and grounde of oure most 
blessed faith, though they vse sondrye wordes. wherfore 
me thynke we haue greate occasyon to geue thankes 


vnto God, that he hath opened vnto his church the gyf te 
of interpretacyon and of pryntyng, and that there are 
at this tyme so many, which with soch diligence and 
f aithfulnes interprete the scripture to the honoure of god 
and edifyenge of his people, where as (lyke as whan many 
are shutynge together) euery one doth his best to be 
nyest the marke. And though they can not all attayne 
therto, yet shuteth one nyer then another, and hytteth 
it better then another, yee one can do it better then 
another, who is now then so vnreasonable, so despytefull, 
or enuyous, asto abhorre him that doth all his diligence 
to hytte the prycke, 4 and to shute nyest it, though he 
mysse and come not nyest the mark ? Ought not soch 
one rather to be commended, and to be helped forwarde, 
that he maye exercyse himselfe the more therin ? 

For the which cause (acordyng as I was desyred) 
I toke the more vpon me to set forth this speciall trans- 
lacyon, not as a checker, not as a reprouer, or despyser 
of other mens translacyons (for amonge many as yet 
I haue f ounde none without occasyon of greate thankes- 
geuynge vnto god) but lowly and f aythfully haue I folowed 
myne interpreters, and that vnder correccyon. And 
though I haue fayled eny where (as there is noman but 
he mysseth in some thynge) loue shall constyrre 5 all to 
the best without eny peruerse iudgment. There is noman 
lyuynge that can se all thynges, nether hath god geuen 
eny man to knowe euery thynge. One seyth more 
clearly then another, one hath more vnderstondyng then 
another, one can vtter a thynge better then another, 
but noman oughte to enuye, or dispyse another. He 
that can do better then another, shulde not set him at 
naught that vnderstondeth lesse : Yee he that hath the 
more vnderstondyng, ought to remembre that the same 
4 The bull's eye. 5 Construe, interpret. 


gyite is not his but Gods, and that God hath geuen it 
him to teach & enfourme the ignoraunt. Yf thou hast 
knowlege therfore to iudge where eny faute is made, 
I doute not but thou wilt helpe to amende it, yf loue be 
ioyned with thy knowlege. Howbeit wherin so euer 
I can perceaue by my selfe, or by the informacyon of 
other, that I haue f ayled (as it is no wonder) I shall now 
by the helpe of God ouerloke it better and amende it. 




To the moost noble, moost gracious, and oure moost 
dradde soueraigne lord kynge Henry the eyght, kynge of 
Englande and of Fraunce, &c. Defender of Christes 
true f ayth, and vnder God the chefe and supreme heade 
of the churche of Englande, Irelande, &c. 

COnsyderynge (moost gracious Soueraigne) how lou- 
yngly, how fauourably, and how tenderly your hyghnesse 
hath taken myne infancy & rudenesse in dedicat- 
ynge the whole bible in Englysh to your moost noble 
grace. And hauyng sure experience also how benygne 
and gracious a mynde your hyghnes doth euer beare 

1 From the edition which Coverdale caused to be printed at 
Paris we learn that he supplied James Nycholson of Southwark 
with copy, but was obliged to leave the correction of the press in 
his hands. The result was an edition so incorrect that Coverdale 
repudiated it and printed a new edition, which he dedicated to 
CromweU. Nothing daunted, Nycholson printed it a second time 
as ' Faythfully translated by Johan Hollybushe ' (cp. No. XVI A, 
note 2). 


to all them that in theyr callyng are wyllynge to do theyr 
beste : It doth euen animate and encorage me now lyke- 
wyse to use the same audacite towarde your grace : 
Neuer intendyng nor purposynge to haue ben thus bold, 
yf your most noble kyndnes and princely benygnite had 
not forced me here vnto. This (doutles) is one of the 
chefest causes why I do now with moost humble obed- 
ience dedicate and offre this translacion of the new Testa- 
ment vnto your moost royaJl maiestye. And to saye the 
truth : I can not perceaue the contrary, but as many of 
vs as intende the glory of god haue all nede to commytte 
vnto your gracious protection and defence aswell our good 
doynges as our selues: Oure good doynges I meane, and 
not our euel workes. For yf we went aboute euel, god 
forbyd that we shuld seke defence at your grace. But 
euen our weldoynges, our good wylles and godly purposes, 
those with all humble obedience must we and do submytte 
to your graces moost sure protection. For as our aduer- 
sary the deuell walketh about lyke a roarynge Iyon 9 and 
seketh whom he may deuoure. And as the enemies of 
Christ went aboute to tangle hymselfe in his wordes, 
and to hunt somwhat out of his owne mouth : Euen so do 
not the enemies of gods word ceasse yet to pycke quarels, 
and to seke out new occasions, how they may depraue 
and synistrally interprete our wel doynges. And where as 
with all f aythfulnes we go about to make our brethren 
(youre graces louynge subiectes) participante of the frutes 
of oure good wylles, they yet not regardynge what profite 
we wolde Be glad to do them, reporte euell of vs, sklaunder 
vs, and saye the worste of vs : Yee they are not ashamed 
to affirme, that we intende to peruerte the scripture, and 
to condemne the commune translacion in Latyn, whych 
costumably is red in the church : where as we purpose 
the cleane contrary. And because it greueth them that 


your subiectes be growen so f arre in knowlege of theyr 
dewtye to God, to youre grace, and to theyr neghboures, 
theyr inwarde malyce doth breake oute in to blasphemous 
and vncomlye wordes, in so much that they cal your 
louynge and faythfull people, heretikes, new fangled 
fellowes, English biblers, coblers of diuinite, fellowes of 
the new fayth &c, with such other vngodly sayenges. 

How nedefull a thynge is it then for us to resorte vnto 
the moost lawfull protection of God in youre graces 
suppreme and imperiall authorite vnder hym ? Without 
the which moost lawfull defence now in these turbulent 
and stormy assaultes of the wycked, we shuld be, but euen 
Orphanes, and vtterly desolate of comforte. But God 
whom the scripture 2 calleth a father of the comf ortles and 
defender of wedowes, dyd otherwyse prouyde for us, 
whan he made youre grace his hye supreme mynister 
ouer vs. 

To come now to the original and fyrst occasion of this 
my moost humble laboure, and to declare howe lytle 
I haue or do intende to despyse this present translation 
in Latyn (or ony other in what language so euer it be) 
I haue here set it forth and the Englysh also therof, I 
mean the text which communely is called S. Hieroms, and 
is costumably red in the church. And thys (my moost 
gracious Soueraigne) haue I done not so much for the 
clamorous importunyte of euell speakers, as to satisfye 
the iust request of certayne youre graces faythfull 
subiectes. And specially to induce and instructe such 
as can but Englishe, and are not learned in the Latin, that 
in comparynge these two textes together, they maye the 
better vnderstonde the one by the other. And I doute 
not but such ignoraunt bodies as (hauynge cure and 
charge of soules) are very vnlearned in the Latyn tunge, 
2 Marginal note : Ps. Ixvii. 


shall trough thys smal laboure be occasioned to atteyn 
vnto more knowlege, and at the leest be constrayned to 
saye well of the thynge, whyche here tofore they haue 
blasphemed. The ignoraunce of which men yf it were 
not so exceadyng great, a man wolde wonder what 
shulde moue them to make such importune cauillacions 
agaynst vs. It is to be feared, that frowardnesse and 
malice is myxte with theyr ignoraunce. For in as much 
as in our other translacions we do not followe thys olde 
Latyn texte word for word they crye out vpon vs : As 
though al were not as nye the truth to translate the 
scripture out of other languages, as to turne it out of the 
Latyn. Or as though the holy goost were not the 
authoure of his scripture aswell in the Hebrue, Greke, 
French, Dutche, and in Englysh, as in Latyn. The 
scripture and worde of God is truly to euery Christen man 
of lyke worthynesse and authorite, in what language so 
euer the holy goost speaketh it. And therfore am I, and 
wyl be whyle I lyue (vnder youre moost gracious f auoure 
and correction) alwaye wyllynge and ready to do my best 
aswell in one translation, as in another. 

Now as concernynge thys present text in Latyn, for 
asmuch as it hath bene and is yet so greatly corrupt, as 
I thynke none other translation is, it were a godly and 
gracious dede, yf they that haue authorite, knowlege, and 
tyme, wolde (vnder youre graces correction) examen it 
better after the moost auncient interpreters and moost 
true textes of other languages. For certaynly, in 
comparynge dyuerse examplers together, we se, that in 
many places one copye hath eyther more or lesse then 
a nother, orels the texte is altered from other languages. 

To geue other men occasion now to do theyr best, and 
to expresse my good wyll, yf I could do better, I haue 
for the causes aboue rehearsed, attempted this smal 



laboure, submyttynge (with all humblenesse and sub- 
iection) it and all other my lyke doinges, to your graces 
moost noble Maiestye. Not onely because I am bounde 
so to do, but to the intent also that through youre moost 
gracious defence, it maye haue the more fredome amonge 
your obedient subiectes, to the glory of the euerlastynge 
God : To whom onely for your grace, for youre mooste 
noble and deare sonne Prynce Edward, for youre moost 
honourable counsell, and for all other hys syngular 
gyftes that we daylye receaue in youre grace. To hym 
I saye, which is the onely geuer and graunter of all thys 
oure welth, be honoure and prayse for euermore. To 
youre grace, continual thankfulnesse, and due obedience 
with longe lyfe and prosperite : Fynally to vs the 
receauers of gods good gyftes, be daylye increace of grace 
and vertue more and more. Amen. 

Youre graces humble 

and faythfull subiecte 

Myles Couerdale. 

To the Reader 

I Must nedes aduertise the (moost gentle Reader,) that 
this present text in Latyn which thou seist set here 
with the Englyshe, is the same that costumably is red 
in the church, and communly is called S. Hieroms 
translacion. Wherin though in some places I vse the 
honest and iust libertye of a grammaryan (as nedeful is for 
thy better vnderstondynge,) yet because I am lothe to 
swarue from the texte, I so tempre iny penne, that yf 
thou wylt, thou mayest make playne construction of it, 
by the Englyshe that standeth on the other syde. Thys 
is done now for the that art not exactly learned in the 


latyn tunge and woldest fayne vnderstonde it. As for 
those that be learned in the latyn already, thys oure 
small laboure is not taken for them, sane onely to moue 
and exhorte them, that they lykewyse knowynge of 
whome they haue receaued theyr talent of learnynge, 
\vyll be no lesse greued in theyr callyng to seme theyr 
brethren therwith, than we are ashamed here with thys 
oure small mynistracion to do them good. I besech 
the therfore take it in good worth ; for so well done as 
it shulde and myght be, it is not : But as it is, thou 
hast it with a good wyll. 

Where as by the authorite of the text I somtyme make 
it cleare for thy more vnderstondyng, there shalt thou 
fynde thys mark [ ] whych we haue set for thy 

warnynge, the texte neuerthelesse nother wrested nor 
peruerted. The cause wherof is partely the figure 
called Eclipsis diuerse tymes vsed in the scriptures, the 
which though she do garnysh the sentence in latyn, yet 
wyll not so be admitted in other tunges : wherfore of 
necessite we are constrayned to enclose suche wordes in 
thys marke. Partely because that sundery, and some- 
tyme to rash wryters out of bokes, haue not geuen so 
greate diligence, as is due in the holy scripture, and haue 
lefte out, and sometyme altered some word or wordes 
and another vsynge thesame boke for a copy, hath 
commytted lyke faut. Let not therfore thys oure 
diligence seme more temerarious vnto the (gentle reader,) 
' than was the diligence of S. lerome and Origene vnto 
learned men of theyr tyme, which vsynge sundery 
markes in theyr bokes, shewed theyr iudgmente what 
were to be abated or added vnto the bokes of scripture, 
that so they myghte be restored to the pure and very 
originall texte. Thy knowlege and vnderstondynge in 
the worde of God shall iudge thesame of vs also, yf it be 


ioyned with loue to the truth. And though I seme to be 
al to scrupulous callyng it in one place penaunce, that 
in another I call repentaunce : and gelded, that another 
calleth chaist, thys me thynk ought not to offende the 
seynge that the holy goost (I trust) is the authoure of 
both our doynges. Yf I of myne owne heade had put 
in to the new Testament these wordes : Nisi pcenitueritis 
Pcenitemini, Sunt enim eunuchi, Pcenitentiam agite. &c. 
then as I were worthy to be reproued, so shulde it be 
ryght necessary to redresse thesame. But it is the holy 
gooste that hath put them in, and therfore I hartely 
requyre the thynke nomore harm in me for callyng it in 
one place penaunce, that in another I call repentaunce, 
then I thynk harme in hym that calleth it chaist, which 
I by the nature of thys worde Eunuchus cal gelded. 
Let euery man be glad to submytte his vnderstondyng 
to the holy goost in them that be learned and no doute 
we shall thynk the best one by another, and f ynde no 
lesse occasion to prayse god in another man, then in our 
selues. As the holy goost then is one, workynge in the 
and me as he wyl, so let us not swarue from that vnite, 
but be one in him. And for my parte I ensure the I am 
indifferent to call it aswell with the one terme as with the 
other, so longe as I knowe that it is no preiudice nor 
iniury to the meanynge of the holy goost : Neuerthelesse 
I am very scrupulous to go from the vocable of the text. 
And of truth so had we all nede to be : For the worlde 
is capcious, and many ther be that had rather fynde' 
xx fautes, then to amende one. And ofte tymes the 
more laboure a man taketh for theyr commodite, the 
lesse thanke he hath. But yf they that be learned and 
haue wherwith to maynteyne the charges dyd theyr 
dewty, they themselues shulde perfourme these thynges, 
and not onely to loke for it at other mens handes. At the 


leest yf they wolde nother take the payne of translatynge 
themselues, nor to beare the expenses therof , nor of the 
pryntyng, they shulde yet haue a good tunge, and helpe 
one waye, that they can not do another. God graunt 
thys worlde once to spye theyr vnthankfulnesse. Thys 
do not I saye for onye lucre or vauntage that I loke for 
at your handes ye rych & welthy bellyes of the worlde : 
for he that neuer fayled me at my nede, hath taught 
me to be content with such prouision as he hath and 
wyll make for me. Of you therfore that be seruauntes 
to your owne ryches, requyre I nothynge at all, saue 
onely that which S. lames sayeth vnto you in the 
begynnynge of hys fyfth chapter : Namely, that ye wepe 
and howle on your \vrechednesse that shall come vpon 
you. For certaynly ye haue greate cause so to do, 
nother is it vnlyke but greate misery shal come vpon 
you, consyderynge the gorgious fare and apparell that 
ye haue euery daye for the proude pompe and appetite 
of your stynkynge carcases, and yet be not ashamed to 
suffre youre owne fleshe and bloude to dye at youre dore 
for lacke of your helpe. synfull belly Gods. vn- 
thankfull wretches. O vncharitable Idolatrers. Wyth 
what conscience darre ye put one morsell of meate in 
to youre mouthes ? abhominable helhoundes, what 
shall be worth 1 of you ? I speake to you, ye ryche 
nyggardes of the worlde, whych as ye haue no fauoure to 
gods holy worde, so loue ye to do nothynge that it com- 
maundeth. Our LORDE sende you worthy repentaunce. 
But now wyll I turne my penne vnto you that be 
lordes and rulers of youre ryches. For of you whom God 
hath made stewardes of these worldly goodes. Of you 
whom God hath made plenteous aswell in hys knowl[e]ge, 
and in other ryches, of you (I saye) wolde I fayne 



requyre and begge (euen for his sake that is the geuer 
of all good thynges) that at the last ye wolde do but 
youre dewty, and helpe aswell with youre good counsell 
as with youre temperall substaunce, that a perfyte pro- 
uision maye be made for the poore, and for the vertuous 
bryngynge vp of youth : That as we now already haue 
cause plentyfull to geue God thankes for his worde and 
for sendynge vs a prynce (with thousandes of other 
benefytes) Euen so we seynge the poore, aged, lame, 
sore, and syck prouided for, and oure youth brought vp 
aswell in gods knowlege as in other vertuous occupations 
maye haue lykewyse occasion sufficient to prayse God 
for the same. Our LORD graunt that this oure longe 
beggyng and moost nedeful request, may once be herde. 
In the meane tyme tyll God brynge it to passe by his 
ministers let not thy counsel nor helpe be behynde 
(moost gentle Reader) for the further aunce of the same. 
And for that thou hast receaued at the mercifull hande 
of god already, be thankful alway vnto hym, louynge 
and obedient vnto thy Prynce. And lyue so continually 
in helpynge and edifyenge of thy neghbours, that it may 
redounde to the prayse and glory of God for euer : AMEN. 


4 AUGUST [1537] 

From the original in the Record Office. (Letters and Papers 
of the reign of Henry VIII, 1537, vol. xii, pt. 2, 434 ) 

My especial good Lorde after moost hartie commenda- 
cions unto your Lordeship. Theis shalbe to signifie vnto 
the same, that you shall receyue by the bringer herof, 
a Bible in Englishe, both of a new translacion and of a 


new prynte, dedicated vnto the Kinges Majestie, as farther 
apperith by a pistle vnto his grace in the begynnyng of 
the boke, which, in myn opinion is very well done, and 
therefore I pray your Lordeship to rede the same. And 
as for the translacion, so farre as I haue redde therof 
I like it better than any other translacion hertofore 
made ; yet not doubting but that ther may, and wilbe 
founde some fawtes therin, as you know no man euer 
did or can do so well, but it may be from tyme to tyme 
amendid. And forasmoche as the boke is dedicated vnto 
the kinges grace, and also great paynes and labour 
taken in setting forth the same, I pray you my Lorde, 
that you woll exhibite the boke unto the kinges highnes; 
and to obteign of his Grace, if you can, a license that 
the same may be sold and redde of euery person, withoute 
danger of any acte, proclamation, or ordinaunce hertofore 
graunted to the contrary, vntill such tyme that we, the 
Bishops shall set forth a better translacion, 1 which I thinke 
will not be till a day after domesday. And if you con- 
tynew to take such paynes for the setting forth of goddes 
wourde, as you do, although in the meane season you 
suffre some snubbes, many sclandres, lyes, and reproches 
for the same, yet one day he will requite altogether ; 
and the same wourde (as Saincte John saieth) Whiche 
shall judge every man at the last daye must nedes shewe 
favour to theym, that now do favour it. Thus my 
Lorde, right hartely faire you well. 
At Forde the 4th of August, 

Your assured ever, 

T. Cantuarien. 
To the Right Honourable 
and my especiall good Lorde 
my Lorde Pryvye Seale. 

1 Cp. No. XXIX, note 2. 


From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 329 b. [348.] 
My verey singuler good Lorde, in my moost hartie 
wise I commend me unto your Lordeship And whereas 
I vnderstande, that your Lordeship at my requeste hath 
not only exhibited the Bible which I sent vnto you, 
to the Kinges majestie, but also hath obteigned of his 
grace, that the same shalbe alowed by his auctoritie to 
be bowght and redde within this realme. My Lorde for 
this your payne, taken in this bihalf, I give vnto you 
my moost hartie thanks, assuryng your Lordeship for the 
contentacion of my mynde, you have shewed me more 
pleasour herin than yf you had given me a thowsande 
pownde ; and I doubt not but that herby such fruicte 
of good knowledge shall ensewe, that it shall well appere 
herafter, what high and acceptable service you have don 
unto godde and the King, whiche shall somoche redown 
to your honour, that, besides goddes reward you shall 
opteyn perpetuall memorye for the same within this 
Realme. And as for me, you may recken me your bonde- 
man for the same, and I dare be bold to say so may ye 
do my lorde of Wurcester. Thus my Lorde, right hartely 
faire you well. Att Forde the xiii day of Auguste. 

Your own Bowndman ever 

T. Cantuarien. 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 292. 

My very singuler and especiall good Lorde in my most 
hartie wise I comend me to your Lordeship. Theis 
shalbe to give to you most hartie thanks that any harte 


can thinke, and that in the name of theym all which 
favoreth goddes wourde, for your Diligence at this 
tyme in procuring the Kinges highnes to set forth the 
said goddes wourd and his gospell by his graces auctoritie. 
For the whiche acte not only the Kinges maiestie, but 
also you shall have a perpetuall Lawde and memorye 
of all theym that be now or hereafter shalbe goddes 
f aithfull people and the favorers of his wourde. And this 
dede you shall here of at the greate daye, whan all 
thinges shalbe opened and made manifest. For our 
Saviour Christ saieth in the said gospell, that whosoeuer 
shrynketh from hym and his wourde, and is abasshed to 
professe and sett it forth bifore men in this worlde, he 
will refuse hym at that day. And contrarye, whosoeuer 
constantly doth professe hym and his wourde, and 
studeth to sett that forwarde in this worlde, Christe 
will declare the same at the laste daye bifore hys father 
and all his Angells, and take upon hym the defence of 
those men. Theis shalbe farder to aduertise youre 
Lordeship that syns my last commyng frome London 
into Kent I have founde the people of my dioces very 
obstinately given to observe and kepe with solempnitie 
the halidayes lately abrogated. 1 Whereupon I have 
punisshed diuers of the offenders, and to diuers I have 
given gentill monition to amende . . . Whan shal 
we perswade the people to ceasse from kepynge theym. 
For the Kyngs own howse shalbe an example vnto all 
the realme to breake his own ordinances . . . 
Thus my Lorde right hartely f aire you well 
At Forde the xxviij day of Auguste. 

Your Lordeshipps own euer 

T. Cantuarien. 

1 By the Injunctions of 1536, which were specially directed 
against ' holydayes in harucst time '. 


AUGUST 28, 1537 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 330. 

Moost humbly besechynge your lordship to vnderstand 
that accordynge to your request, I haue sent your lord- 
ship vj bybles, which gladly I wolde haue brought my 
selfe, but because of the sycknes which remayneth in the 
cytie. And therfore I haue sent them by my servaunt 
which this daye came out of Flaundyrs, requyrynge your 
lordship yf I maye be so bolde as to desyer you to accept 
them as my symple gyfte, geuen to you for those most 
godly paynes, for which the heuenly father is bounde 
euen of his Justice to rewarde you with the euerlastynge 
kyngdom of god. For your lordship mouynge our moost 
gracyous prynce to the alowance and lycensynge of soche 
a worke, hath worought soche an acte worthy of prayse, 
as neuer was mencyoned in any cronycle in this realme. 
And as my lorde of Canterbury sayde The tydynges 
therof dyd hym more good then the gyfte of ten thousand 
pounde. Yet certen there are which beleue not that 
yt pleased the kynges grace to lycence yt to go forth. 
Wherfore yf your lordshippes pleasour were soche that 
we myght have yt lycensed vnder your preuy seale. 
Yt shuld be a defence at this present and in tyme to 
come for all enemyes and aduersaryes of the same. 
And for as moche as this request is for the mayneten- 
aunce of the lordes worde, which is to mayntayne the 
lorde him selfe. I feare not but that your lordship 
wilbe ernest therin. And I am assewred that my lorde 
of Canterbury, Worsetter and Salsbury, will geue your 
lordship soche thankes as in them lyeth and sewre ye 


maye be that the heuenly lorde will rewarde you for 
the establysshynge of his gloryous truthe. And what 
youre lordshipes pleasor is in this request, yf it maye 
please your lordship to enforme my servaunt, I and 
all that loue god hartely are bound to praye for your 
preseruacyon all the dayes of our lyfe. At london 
the xxviij daye of this present moneth of August 1537, 

Your Orator whyle he lyueth 

Rychard grafton grocer. 
To the honorable lorde pryvaye Scale. 

AUGUST 28, 1537 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 325. 

Moost humbly besechynge your lordshippe to vnder- 
stand that accordynge as your comyssyon was by my 
servaunt to sende you certen bybles, so have I now done, 
desyrynge your lordship to accept them as though they 
were well done. And where as I wryt vnto your lordship 
for a preuye seale to be a defence vnto the enemyes of 
this byble I vnderstonde that your lordshipes mynde is 
that I shall not nede it. But now moost gracyous lorde, 
for as moche as this worke hath bene brought forthe 
to our moost great and costly laboures and charges, which 
charges amount aboue the some of v c li., and I haue 
caused of these same to be prynted to the some of xv c 
bookes complete. Which now by reason that of many 
this worke is commended, there are that will and dothe 
go aboute the pryntynge of thesame worke againe in 


a lesser letter, 1 to the entent that they maye sell their 
lytle bookes better chepe then I can sell these gret, and 
so to make that I shall sell none at all, or elles verye f ewe, 
to the vtter vndoynge of me your orator and of all those 
my credytors that hath bene my comforters and helpers 
therin. And now this worke thus set forthe with great 
stodye and laboures shall soche persons (moued with a 
lytle couetousnes to the vndoynge of other for their owne 
pryuate welthe) take as a thynge don to their handes, 
in which halffe the charges shall not come to them 
that hath done to your poore orator. And yet shall they 
not do yt as they fynde yt, but falsefye the texte, that 
I dare saye, looke how many sentences are in the byble, 
euen [as] many f autes and errours shalbe made therin. For 
their sekyn [g] is not to set it out to goddes glorie and to the 
edefyenge of christ congregacyon (but for couetousnes) 
and that maye apere by the former bybles that they 
have set forthe, which hath nether good paper, letter, 
ynke ner correccyon, 2 Sir euyn so shall they corrupt this 
worke and wrapp yt vp after their fassyons, and then 
maye they sell yt for naught at their pleasor. Ye and 
to make yt more trewer then yt is, therfore douchemen 3 
dwellynge within this realme go about thepryntyng of ytt, 
which can nether speke good englyshe, ner yet wryte 
none, and they wilbe bothe the prynters & correctors 
therof, because of a lytle couetousnes that wyll not 
bestow xx or xl li to a learned man to take payne in yt 
to haue yt well done. It were therfore (as your lordship 

1 Grafton probably feared competition from Nycholson. 

* The reference is to Nycholson 's quarto editions of Coverdale's 

8 This supports Mr. Gordon DufE's identification of Johan 
Hollybushe with Hans van Ruremond. See No. XVI A, note 2, 
and XXXII, note i. 


dothe euydently perceaue) a thynge vnreasonable to 
permyt or softer them (which now hath no suche busynes) 
to enter into the laboures of them that hath had bothe 
sore trouble and vnreasonable charges. And the truthe is 
this that if yt be prynted by any other before these 
be solde (whiche I thynke shall not be this iij yere at 
the least) that then am I your poore Orator vtterly 

Therfore by your moost godly fauor if I maye obtayne 
the kynges moost gracyous priuiledge that none shall 
prynt them tyll these be solde, which at the least shall 
not be this iij yere, your lordship shall not fynde me 
vnthankfull, but that to the vtter most of my power 
I wyll consyder yt, and I dare saye that so will my 
lorde of Canterbury with other my moost speciall frendes. 
And at the least, god will loke vpon your mercifull 
heart that consydereth the vndoynge of a pore yonge 
man. For truly my whole lyuynge lyeth hervpon, which 
if I maye have sale of them, not beynge hyndered by 
any other man, yt shalbe my makyng and welthe, and 
the contrary is my vndoynge. Therfore most humbly 
I beseche your lordship to be my helper herin that I maye 
obtayne this my request. Or elles yf by no meanes this 
pryuyledge maye be had (as I have no dout thorow your 
helpe yt shall) and seinge men are so desyrous to be 
pryntynge of yt agayne to my vtter vndoynge as afor- 
sayde. That yet for as moche as it hath pleased the 
kynges highnes to lycence this worke to go abroade and 
that it is the moost pure worde of god which teacheth 
all true obedyence and reproueth all scismes and con- 
tencyons. And the lacke of this worde of the allmightie 
god is the cause of all blyndenes and supersticion, yt 
maye therfore be commaunded by your lordship in the 
name of our most gracyous prynce that euery curat haue 


one of them that they maye learne to knowe god and to 
instruct their parysshens. Ye and that euery abbaye 
shuld have vj to be layde in vj seuerall places that the 
whole covent and the resorters thervnto maye have 
occasyon to looke on the lordes lawe. Ye I wold none 
other but they of the papisticall sorte shuld be compelled 
to haue them, and then I knowe there shuld be ynow 
founde in my lorde of londons dyocesse to spende 
away a great part of them, and so shuld this be a godly 
acte worthy to be had in remembrance whyle the world 
doth stande, Sir I know that a small comyssyon wyll 
cause my lorde of Canterbury, Salsbury & Worscetter 
to cause yt to be done thorow their dyocesse, Ye and this 
shuld cease the whole scisme and contencyon that is in 
the realme, which is, some callyng them of the olde 
and some of the new, now shuld we all f olow one god, 
one boke and one learnynge, and this is hurtfull to no man 
but proffyte to all men. I will trouble your lordship no 
lenger for I am sory I have troubled you so moche. 
But to make an ende I desyer your moost gracyous 
answer by my servaunt, for the sycknes is bryme 4 aboute 
vs or elles wolde I wayte vpon your lordship, and because 
of comynge to your lordship, I have not soffred my 
servaunt with me sence he came ouer. Thus for your 
contynuall preseruacyon I with all that truly loue god 
do most hartely praye that you maye ouercome all your 
aduersaryes of the papisticall sorte. 

Your Orato 1 ' Rychard grafton, 
4 Furious. 



From Fox's Actes and Monumentes, Fourth Edition. London, 
1583, p- "91. 

fOf the Bible in English printed in the large 

volume, and of Edmund Boner preferred to the 

Bishoprike of London, by the meanes 

of the Lord Cromwell. 

ABoutthe time and yere, when Edmund Boner bishop 
of Hereford, and ambassadour resident Th Biblesof the 
in Fraunce, began first to be nominate greatest volume 
and preferred by the meanes of thelord P rinted in Paris - 
Cromwel to the bishoprike of London : which was, anno 
I54O, 1 it happened that the said Thomas, Lord Cromwell 
and Erie of Essex, 2 procured of the king of england his 
gracious letters to the French king to permitte and licence 3 
a subiect of his to imprint the Bible in English within 
the vniuersitie of Paris * because paper was there more 
meete and apt to be had for the doing T , , , f 
therof, then in the realme of England, were Rich: Grafton 
and also that there were more store of and Whytchurch. 
good workmen for the readie dispatch of the same. 
And in like maner at the same time the said king 
wrote vnto his ambassadour, who then was Edmund 

1 This is a year too late for the beginning of the Great Bible. 
Bonner was elected Bishop of London October 20, 1539, con- 
firmed November n, consecrated April 4, 1540. 

* Cromwell was only made Earl of Essex on April 17, 15 40, less 
than four months before his execution (July 28). 

* See No. XXXV. 

* The University had the supervision of all printing in Paris, 
and the^chief^printers were libraives jurJs of it. 


Boner Bishop of Herford lying in Paris, that he should 
ayde and assist the doers thereof in all their reasonable 
sutes. The which Bishop outwardly shewed great friend- 
ship to the merchants that were the imprinters of the 
same, and moreouer did diuers and sundrie times call 

_ , , _ and commande the said persons, to 

Edmund Boner . * ' 

agreatfurthererin be in maner daily at his table both 
printing the Bibles di nner and supper, and so much re- 
in Enghshe. . j . A , , t- ^ 

joyced in the workemanship of the 

said Bible, that he himselfe would visite the imprinter's 
house, where the same bibles were printed, and also would 
take part of such dinners as the Englishmen there had, 
and that to his cost, which, as it seemed he little wayed. 
And further the sayd Boner was so feruent that he 
The new testa- cause( i the sa ^ Englishmen to put in 
ment in Englishe print a new testament in english & 

printty n Bon U er " latine > 5 and himself e took, a great many 
of them and payd for them and gaue 
them to his friends. And it chaunced the meane time, 
while the said Bible was in printing, the king Henry 
Edmund Boner the 8 - Preferred the said Boner from 
made Byshop of the said bishoprike of Herford, to 
London. f Londoilj at which time e 

the said Boner according to the statute law of Eng- 
land, tooke his othe to the king, knowledging his supre- 
macie, and called one of the aforesaid Englishmen that 
printed the bible, whom he then loued, although after- 

* This is the Paris edition of Coverdale's Latin and English 
New Testament printed to supersede the faulty edition published 
by Nycholson ; see No. XXXII A, note i, and No. XXXVIII, 
Inasmuch as it was translated from the Vulgate this would be re- 
garded as more likely to be orthodox than those which followed 
the Greek or German. But there is no reason to think that 
Bonner ' caused ' it to be printed. 

* i.e. in October or November, 1538. 


ward vppon the change of the worlde he did hate him as 
much, whose name was Richard Grafton : to whom the 
said Boner saide when he tooke his othe, maister Grafton, 
so it is, that the kings most excellent maiestie hath by 
his gracious gift presented me to the Bishoprike of 

London, for the which I am sorv, for ^ 

., ., ,, , . T i_- " Boners wordes 

if it would haue pleased his grace, to Grafton, when 

I could haue bene well content to haue lle toocke his othe 
kept mine old bishopricke of Herford. 
Then said Grafton I am right glad to heare of it, and 
so I am sure will bee a great number of the Citie of 
London : for though they yet know you not, yet they 
haue heard so much goodnes of you from hence, as 
no doubt they will hartily reioyce of your placing, 
Then said Boner, I pray God I may doe that may con- 
tent them, and to tel you M. Grafton, Before god (for 
that was commonly his othe) the greatest fault that 
I euer found in Stokesley, was for Boner reproueth 
vexing and troubling of poore men, as Stokesley for his 
Lobley the bookebinder' and other, P ersecutin s- 
for hauing the scripture in english, and God willing 
he did not so much hinder it, but I wil as much 
further it, and I wil haue of your Bibles set vp in 
the Church of Paules, at the least in 
sundrie places sixe of them, and I will 
pay you honestly for them and giue Scripture in Eng- 
you hartie thankes. 8 Which wordes 1S e ' 
hee then spake in the hearing of diuers credible 
persons, as Edmund Stile Grocer and other. But 
now M." Grafton at this time I haue specially called 

7 Michael Lobley was indicted in 1 5 3 1 for buying heretical books 
at Antwerp and speaking against images and purgatory. He 
lived, however, to be a warden of the Stationers' Company in 1560. 

8 Bonner carried out this promise, and on the occasion of his 
doing so issued the exhortation mentioned in No. XLIV, B. 



you to be a witnes with me that vpon this transla- 
tion of Bishops Sees, I must according to the statute 
take an othe vnto the kings maiestie knowledging his 
Boner sweareth Supremacie, which before God I take 
hartely to the with my heart and so thinke him to 
kmges supremacy. ^ and beseech almightie G od to 

saue him, and long to prosper his grace : holde the 
booke sirah, and reade you the oth (said he) to one of 
his chapleins, and he layd his hand on the booke and 
so he tooke his othe. And after this he shewed great 
friendship to the saide Grafton and to his partener 
Edward Whitchurch, but specially to 
M ? les CouerdaU, who was the cor- 
ing the Bible of the rector of the great Bible, 
large volume. NQW after ^ ^ foresaid letters 

were delivered, the French kyng gaue very good 
wordes, and was well content to permit the doing 
therof. And so the printer went forward and 
printed forth the booke euen to the last part, and 
then was the quarrell picked to the printer, and he 
was sent for to the inquisitors of 
the fayth, and there charged with cer- 
Paris thorough the taine articles of heresie. Then were 
sent for the Englishmen that were 
at the cost and charge thereof, and 
also such as had the correction of the same, which 
was Myles Couerdale, but hauing some warning what 
would folow the said Englishmen posted away as fast 
as they could to saue themselues, leauing behynd 
them all their Bibles, which were to the number of 
2500, called the Bibles of the great volume, and neuer 

* The true number was 2,000, as stated by Grafton in his 
1 Abridgement of the Chronicles of England . . . 1564. In sedibus 
Richardi Tothyl,' fol. 135" : ' In this yere the Great Bible in 


recouered any of them, sailing that the Lieftenaunt 
criminal hauing them deliuered vnto English Bibles 
hym to burne in a place at Paris (like burnt at Paris - 
Smithfield) called Maulbert place, was somewhat mooued 
with couetousnes, and sold 4. great dry fattes of them to 
a Haberdasher to lap in caps, and those were bought 
againe, but the rest were burned, to the great and im- 
portunate losse of those that bare the charge of them. 
But notwithstandyng the sayd losse after they had 
recouered some part of the foresayde bookes, and were 
comforted and encouraged by the Lord Cromwell, the 
said Englishmen went agayne to Paris, 3 ** & there got the 
presses, letters, and seruaunts of the aforesayd Printer, 
and brought them to London, and there they became 
printers themselues (which before they H ow Graf ton and 
neuer entended) and printed out the Whitchurch be- 
said Bible in London, and after that came P rinters - 
printed sundry impressions of them : but yet not without 
great trouble and losse, for the hatred of the bishops 
namely, Steven Gardiner, and his fellowes, who mightily 
did stomacke and maligne the printing thereof. 

Here, by the way, for the more direction of the story, 
thou hast louying Reader, to note and vnderstand that 
in those daies there were ii sundry Bibles in English, 
printed and set forth, bearing diuers titles, and printed 

English in the Great Volume was printed in Paris in as privy 
a manner as might bee, but when it was knowne, not only the 
same Bible beeing XXC in nomber was seased and made con- 
friscat, but also both the printer, marchants, and correctors in 
great jeopardy of their lyves eskaped.' There is not the smallest 
reason to attribute the interference of the Inquisition to ' the prac- 
tise of the Englishe Bishops '. It was a political move, suggested 
by the French ambassador in London, see No. XXXIX C. 

10 It was presumably during this visit to Paris that Grafton 
witnessed the taking by Bonner of the Oath acknowledging the 
king's supremacy in October or November 1538. 



in diuers places. The first was called Thomas Mathews 

Tho: Mathewes Bible ' P rinted at Hambrough, 11 about 

Bible, by whom the yeare of our Lord, 1532 - 13 the cor- 

and how. 

Rogers, of whom ye shall heare more Christ willing 
hereafter. The Printers were Richard Grafton, and 
Whitchurch. In the translation of this Bible, the 
greatest doer was in deede William Tyndall, who 
with the helpe of Miles Couerdale had translated all 
the bookes thereof, except onely the Apocrypha, 13 and 
certaine notes in the margent which were added after. 
But because the said William Tyndall in the meane 
tyme was apprehended before this Bible was fully per- 
fected, it was thought good to them which had the 
doing therof, to chaunge the name of William Tyndall, 
because that name then was odious, and to father 14 it 
by a strange name of Thomas Mathew, John Rogers the 
same time beyng corrector to the print, who had then 
translated the residue of the Apocrypha, and added also 
certaine notes thereto in the margent, and thereof came 
it to be called Thomas Mathewes Bible. Which Bible 
of Thomas Mathew, after it was imprinted and pre- 
The Bible pre- sented to the Lord Cromwell, and 
seated to the king the Lord Cranmpr, Archbishop of 
by tixeLord Crom- Canterbury> who liked wry well of ftj 

The Bybie put the sayd Cromwell presented it to the 
forth with the by n g an( j obteined that the same might 
kings pnuiledge. f ? , , j ,, , . . 

freely passe to be read of hys subiectes 

with hys graces licence : So that there was Printed 

11 Ko one believes that the Bible was printed at Hamburg. 
11 Fox's mistake f or 1 5 37 (reading MDXXXVII as MDXXXII), 
13 This exaggerates Tyndale's share. None of the Old Testa- 
ment after 2 Chronicles is believed to be his. See No. XXVIII. 
" Misprinted ' farther '. 


upon the same booke, one lyne in red letters with 
these wordes : Set forth with the kings most gracious 

The setting forth of this booke did not a little offend 
the Clergy, namely, the Bishop aforesayd, both for the 
Prologues and specially because in the same booke was one 
special table collected of the common places in the 
Bible, and the scriptures for the approbation of the 
same, and chiefly about the supper of the lord and 
mariage of priests, and the masse, which there was said 
not to be found in Scripture. 

Furthermore, after the restraint of this foresayde 
Bible of Mathew, another Bible began to be printed 
at Paris, an. 1540. which was called An Qther Byble 
the Bible of the large Volume. The of the great volume 
Printers whereof were the foresayde P rinted at Paris ' 
Richard Grafton, and Whitchurche which bare the 
charges. A great helper thereto was the lord Cromwell. 
The chiefest ouerseer was Myles Couerdale, who taking 
the translation of Tyndall, conferred the same with the 
Hebrue, and amended many things. 

In this Bible, although the former notes of Thomas 
Mathew was omitted, yet sondry markes and handes 
were annexed in the sides, which rh B h 
ment that in those places shuld be offended at the 

made certeine notes, 15 wherwith also Byble translated 
, , , ~ j , . , , , , into Enghshe. 

the clergy was onended, though the 

notes were not made. 

After this, the bishops bringing their purpose to passe, 
brought the Lord Cromwell out of fauour, and shortly 
to his death : and not long after, great complaint was 
made to the king of the translation of the Bible, and 
of the preface of the same, and then was the sale of 
13 See Kos. XXXVI C. XXXVIII B. 


the Bible commaunded to be stayed, the B[ishop] promis- 
ing to amend and correct it, but neuer 
Bybte steyd by' ^ performing the same : 16 Then Graf ton 
thekin&fhrougfh] was called, and first charged with 
the P rintin S of Mathewes Bible, but he 
being feareful of trouble, made excuses 
for himselfe in all things. Then was he examined 
of the great Bible, and what notes he was purposed 
to make. To the which he aunswered, that he 
knewe none. For his purpose was to haue retayned 
learned men to have made the notes, but when he per- 
ceyued the kynges maiestie, and his Clergye not willing 

Rich. Grafton to haue **?> he P roceded no further - 
imprisoned for But for al these excuses, Grafton was 
printing the Bible. gent to the Fleet> and there remayne d 

vi weekes, and before he came out, was bound in CCC li 
that he should neither sell nor imprint, or cause to 
be imprinted any moe Bibles, vntill the king and the 
clergy should agree vpon a translation. And thus was 
the Bible at that tyme stayed, during the raigne of 
Kyng Henry the viii. 

But yet one thing more is to be noted, that after the 
imprinters had lost their Bibles, they continued suiters 
to Boner, as is aforesaid, to be a meane for to obteyne 
of the French king their bookes againe : but so long 
they continued suters, and Boner euer fed them with 
faire wordes, promising them much, but did nothing 
for them 17 , till at the last Boner was discharged of 
his ambassade, and returned home, where he was 
right ioyfully welcomed home by the lord Crom- 
well, who loued him dearely, and had maruelous good 

See No. XLV. 

17 This is contradicted by XXXIX B (last paragraph but 


opinion of him. And so long as Cromwell remained in 

autoritie, so long was Boner at his beck 

and friend to his friends and enimy ^rendto' L. 

to his enimies ; as namely, at that tyme Cromwell, ai the 

to Gardiner Bpshop] of Winchester, jj|g * ^ P* 08 " 

who neuer fauoured Cromwell, and 

therefore Boner could not fauour him, but that he and 

Winchester were the greatest enemies 0<t . - .. 
Y . , _ _ G Steph. Gardiner 

that might be. But so soone as and Boner of 

Cromwell fel, immediately Boner 
and Winchester pretended to be the 
greatest men that liued, and no good word could Boner 
speake of Cromwell, but the lewdest, vilest, and bitterest 
that he could speake, calling him the Doct 3 oner 
rankest heretike that euer liued : and altereth his trend- 
then such as the sayd Boner knew to be shi P and reli e ion - 
in good fauour with Cromwell, he could neuer abide theii 
sight. Insomuch, as the next day after that Cromwell 
was apprehended, the abouenamed Grafton, who before 
had bene very familiar with Boner, met with the sayd 
Boner sodenly, and sayd vnto hym, that he was sory to 
heare of the newes that then was abroad. What are 
they, sayd he ? Of the apprehension of the L. Cromwell 
sayd Graf ton. Are ye sory for that (sayd he ?) It had 
bene good that he had bene dispatched long ago. With 
that Grafton looked vpon hym and knew not what to 
say, but came no more to Boner. Howbeit afterward the 
sayd Grafton beyng charged for the imprinting of a 
ballet made in the fauour of Cromwel Doctor Boner 
was called before the Councel, where agaynst the L. 
Boner was present and there Boner Cromwe11 - 
charged hym with the wordes that hee spake to hym of 
Cromwell, and told out a great long tale. But the lord 
Awdeley, who then vfcas Lord Chauncellor, right discretly 


and honourably, cut of the matter, and entered into 
other talke. 


Printed from an early transcript, Cotton MS. Cleopatra, 
E. v. 326. 

Franciscus etc. dilectis nobis Richardo Grafton et 
Edwardo Whitclmrch Anglis et civibus londini salutem, 
Quia fide digno testimonio accepimus quod charissimus 
frater noster anglorum Rex vobis cuius subditi estis 
sacram bibliam tarn latine quam britannice sive anglice 
imprimendi ac imprimi curandi et in suum Regnum 
apportandi et transferendi libertatem sufficient em et 

1 The date of this document being in dispute it is here placed 
immediately after Fox's narrative. It is, however, fairly obvious, 
since it mentions Latin as well as English printing, that it must 
be placed after the appearance of the faulty edition of Cover- 
dale's Latin-English Testament at Southwark, which caused him 
to desire to print a more perfect one in Paris, and as it was his 
absence which obliged him. to leave the correction of the proofs 
to Nycholson, this licence cannot have been obtained until after 
he had been some time at Paris. On the other hand, as the Latin- 
English New Testament was safely printed in 1538 it seems 
"impossible to agree with Dr. Kingdon, who in his monograph on 
Poyntz and Grafton contends that this licence was only granted 
on the return of Grafton to Paris late in 1539 (see No. XXXIV, 
note 10). That theory is also negatived by the fact that ample 
facilities then existed for printing Bibles in England, and Grafton 
only wanted to get back the stock. The true date appears to be 
some time after the letter of June 23 (see next document), in 
which the printers ask Cromwell to write letters on their behalf 
to the English ambassadors, who would supply the * fide dignum 
testitnonium * alluded to in the opening paragraph of the licence. 
While, however, issuing the licence in accordance with Cromwell's 
request, the French king, by the vague stipulation that the trans- 
lation should avoid all private and unlawful opinions, made it 


legittimam, concesserit, et vos turn propter chartam 
turn propter alias honestas considerationes animos vestros 
in hac parte iuste moventes dictam bibliam sic impri- 
mendam Parisiis infra hoc nostrum Regnum curaveritis 
ac in Angliam quam primum transmitter intenderitis, 
Nos ut hec vobis f acere liceat potestatem facientes, vobis 
coniunctim et deuisim ac procuratoribus factoribus et 
agentibus vestris et cuiuslibet vestruin, vt in Regno 
nostro apud calchographum quemcumque dictam sacram 
bibliam tarn latine quam anglicana lingua tuto imprimere 
et excudere possitis et possint, necnon excussam et im- 
pressam in Angliam dumtaxat sine ulla perturbacione 
aut molestia vel impedimento quocumque transmitter et 
apportare, dummodo quod sic imprimentes et excudentes 
sincere et pure quantum in vobis erit citra vllas privatas 
aut illigittimas opiniones impressum et excussum fuerit, 
et onera ac officia mercatoria nobis et ministris nostris 
debite in hac parte extiterint prosoluta licentiam nostram 
impartimur et concedimus specialem per presentes, Datis 
et ceteris. 


Francis, etc. to our well beloved Richard Grafton and 
Edward Whitchurch Englishmen and citizens of London 
greeting. Whereas by trustworthy testimony we have been 
informed that our most dear brother the King of the Eng- 
lish, whose subjects ye are, hath granted you sufficient and 
lawful liberty of printing and getting printed the Holy 
Bible both in Latin and in British or English and of bring- 
ing and transporting it into his kingdom, and that ye, 
alike for the sake of the paper and for other honourable 
reasons rightfully influencing you in this matter, have 
taken steps for thus printing the said Bible at Paris 
within this our kingdom and intend as soon as may be 


to send it over to England. We therefore, that you may 
be able to do this, empowering you jointly and severally, 
and also the representatives, factors and agents of both 
or either of you, that within our kingdom in the house 
of any printer you and they may safely impress and print 
the said Holy Bible alike in Latin and in the English 
tongue and when it is printed and impressed may trans- 
port it into England without any interference, annoy- 
ance, or hindrance, provided always that ye shall so 
print and impress it sincerely and purely so far as in 
you lies, avoiding any private or unlawful opinions, and 
when it is so printed and impressed all imposts and 
custom duties have been duly paid to us and to our 
officers, grant and concede our special licence by these 
presents. Dated, etc. 


WELL, JUNE 23, 1538 l 

From the original in the Record Office, (Letters and Papers of 
the reign of Henry VIII 9 vol. xiii, pt. i, 1249). 

After inoost humble and hartie commendacions to 
your good lordship. Pleaseth the same to vnderstand, 
that we be entred into your worke of the byble, wherof 
(accordynge to our moost bounden dutie) we haue here 
sent vnto your lordship ij ensamples, one in parchement, 
wherin we entende to prynt one for the kynges grace, 
and another for your lordship : and the seconde in 

1 [Docketed] Myles Coverdale and Rychard Grafton letter cer- 
tefyinge that the byble is almost prynted at Parys. 


paper, wherof all the rest shalbe made, trustynge that 
it shalbe, not onlye to the glorye of god, but a synguler 
pleasure also to your good lordship the causer therof , and 
a generall edefyenge of the kinges subiectes, accordynge 
to your lordshipes moost godly e request. For we 
folowe not only a standynge text of the hebrue, with the 
interpretacion of the Caldee, and the greke, but we set 
also in a pryuate table the dyuersite of redinges of all 
textes, with soche annotacions in another table, as shall 
douteles delucidate and cleare thesame, as well without 
any singularyte of opinions as all checkinges and re- 
profes. The prynt no dout shall please your good lord- 
ship. The paper is of the best sorte in Fraunce. The 
charge certaynly is great, wherin as we moost humbly 
requyer your fauourable helpe at this present, with 
whatsoeuer yt shall please your good lordship to let vs 
haue, 2 so trust we, (yf nede requyer) in our iust busynes, 
to be defended from the papistes by your lordshipes 
fauourable letters, which we moost humbly desyer to 
haue, (by this berer, Wyllyam Graye) ether to the 
bysshop of Wynchester, 3 or to some other whome your 
lordship shall thinke moost expedyent. We be daylye 
threatened, and look euer to be spoken withall, as this 
berer can farther enforme your lordship, but how they 
will vse vs, as yet, we knowe not. Neuerthelesse for our 
farther assewraunce where thorough we maye be the 
abler to performe this your lordshipes work, we are so 
moche the bolder of your good lordship, for other refuge 
haue we none vnder god and our kynge, whom with 
noble prynce Edward and all you their most honorable 

Cromwell informed the French ambassador that he had him- 
self spent on the work 400. See No. XXXIX, B and C. 

* Stephen Gardiner, the English ambassador, superseded by 
Bonner in July of this year. 


councell, god allinightie preserue now and euer, Amen. 
Wn'tten at Parys the xxnj daye of Juyn by your lord- 
shipes assured and daylye oratours, 

Myles Couerdale 
Rychard Grafton grocer 

To the right honorable and their syngulai good lorde, 
the lorde Cromewell ond lorde preua}^ Scale. 



From the original in the Record Office (Letters and Papers of 
the reign of Henry VIII, vol. xiii, pt. 2, 1086). 

Pleas it your lordship to be advertysed, that your 
lordships certyfying me, that you wold not wryt your 
lettres, nor medle at all, with owr purposed worke, Lately 
taken in hand for your lordship, so greatly dyscomforted 
me your poore Orator, that it almost brought me vtterly 
into dispeire, but that I hadd sum hope of comfort, when 
I Rem[em]bryd your godly Intent euer in preferyng of 
all thyngs wyche were for goddes glory trustyng that your 
sayd lordship woll styll contenew in the same. And ayde 
& defend vs in thys our iust besynes. Havyng non other 
refuge vnder god and the Kynges highnes but of your 
lordship. Wherfor I most humbly beseche your lordship 
not to refuse vs now, but wythe your goodnes to helpe vs 
in the furtherans of our sayd worke, And when yt shall 
pleas your lordship to command me I shall informe your 
lordship of those people, and moste chieffly of our contrey- 

1 This letter being undated its place is uncertain. It is inserted 
here on the supposition that Cromwell at first replied unfavour- 
ably to the letter of Coverdale and Grafton of June 23, but was 
moved by the appeal from Whitchurch to instruct the English 
ambassador to take action. 


men, \\yche doo compleyn on vs vnto the vniuersitye, 
& most shamfully vsethe their toungs toward the Kynges 
grace, & his most honorable counsailL 

Your bound Orator 

Edward \Yhitchurche. 


From the original in the Record Office (Letters and Papers of 
the reign of Henry VIII, vol. xiii, pt. 2, 58). 

After moost humble and due salutacion to your good 
lordship. Pleaseth the same to vnderstand, that your 
worke going forward, we thought it cure moost bounden 
dutie to sende vnto your lordship certayne leaues 
therof , specially, seynge we had so good occasyon, by the 
returnynge of your beloued seruant Sebastian. And as 
they are done, so will we sende your lordship the residue 
from tyme to tyme. As touchynge the maner and order 
that we kepe in thesame worke, Pleaseth your goode 
lordship to be aduertised that this merke <IT in the text, 
signifieth, that vpon the same (in the later ende of the 
booke) there is some notable annotacion, which we haue 
\vriten, without any pryuate opinion, 2 onlye after the 
best interpreters of the hebrues for the more clearenesse 
ol the texte. This marke ^ betokeneth, that vpon the 
same texte there is diuersite of redynge amonge the 
hebrues, Caldees and Grekes and latenystes, as in a table 

1 Endorsed : ' Myles couerdale Ric. Grafton Wm. Gray cer- 
tefying the maner howe they are in hand to translate the Byble. 
At Parys. ix Aug.' 

2 This reads like a translation oi the ' citra vllas priuatas 
opiniones ' of the licence which had almost certainly been granted 
by this time. 


at the ende of the booke shalbe declared. This marke G^f 
sheweth that the sentence written in small letters is not 
in the hebrue or Caldee, but in the latyn, and seldome in 
the Greke, and that \ve neuerthelesse wolde not haue it 
extinct, but hig[h]lye accept yt for the more explanation 
of the text. This token f in the olde testament geueth to 
vnderstand, that thesame texte which foloweth it, is also 
alledged of christ or of some apostle in the newe testa- 
ment. 3 This (amonge other oure necessarie laboures) is 
the waye that we take in this worke, trustynge verely, 
that as God allmightie moued youre lordship to set vs 
vnto yt : so shall it be to his glorie, and right welcome 
to all them that loue to serue him and their prynce in 
true faithfull obedyence. As is onlye knowen to the 
lorde of heauen, to whom we moost harteley praye for 
your lordshipes preseruacion. At parys the ix daye of 
August 1538 by your faithfull oratours. 

Myles Couerdale 
Richard grafton 
William Grey. 

To the right honorable and their synguler good lorde, 
lorde preuye scale be this delyuered. 


SEPTEMBER 12, 1538 l 

From the original in the Record Office (Letters and Papers of 
the reign of Henry VIII, vol. xiii, pt. 2, 336). 

After most humble and due salutacions to your mooste 
honorable lordshippe, pleaseth the same to vnderstand, 
that we are instantly desyred of oure hoste (whose name 

3 As to these marks see No. XXXIV on page 229. 
1 Endorsed : Miles Coverdale and Richard Grafton. Thebyble 
is in printing. 


is Fraunces Reynold 2 a frenchman) to make supplicacion 
for him vnto your lordshippe. Where as of long tyme 
he hath bene an occupier in to England more then xl. yere, 
he hath allwayes provyded soche bookes for England, 
as they moost occupied, so that he hath a great nombre, 
at this present in his handes, As prymers in Englishe, 
Missales with other soche like : Whereof now (by the 
company of the booksellers in London) he is vtterly 
forbydden to make sale, to the vtter vndoyng of the man, 
Wherfore moost humbly we beseke your lordshippe to be 
gracious and fauourable vnto him, that he maye have 
lycence to sell those which he hath done allready, so 
that herafter he prynte nomoo in the english tong, 
onlesse he have an english man that is lerned, to be his 
corrector ; and that is the man well contented withall. 
he is also contented and hath promised before my lord 
elect of harfford, that yf there be founde anye notable 
faute in his bookes, he will put the same out, and 
prynte the leafe agayne. Thus are we bolde to wryte 
vnto your lordshippe in his cause (as doth also my lord 
elect of herfford) beseching your 1. to pardon oure 
boldnesse, and to be good lorde vnto this honest man, 
whose servaunt shall geve attendaunce vpon your 1. 
most fauourable answere. Yf your 1. shewe him this 
benefyte, we shall not fare the worse, in the readynesse 
and due expedicion of this your 1. worke of the byble. 

* i. e. Francois Regnault, the printer of the Bible, with whom 
apparently Coverdale and Grafton were lodging. Regnault had 
begun printing service-books for the use of Salisbury in 1519, and 
from 1524 to 1535 his output had been large and uninterrupted. 
He had already in 1 5 36 himself written to Cromwell asking that the 
Act of 1534 regulating the importation of foreign books might 
not be used to exclude those he had printed, and he now procured 
the aid of Grafton and Coverdale. He died some little time before 
June 21, 1541. 


Which goeth well fonvarde, and within few monethes 
will drawe to an encle, by the grace of allmightie god, 
who preseme your good lordshippe now and euermore. 
From Parys the xij* h daye O f Septembre. 

Myles Couerdale. 

Rychard Graf ton. 

To the right honorable and their singular good lorde, 
the lord prevye seale, 


Extract from the ongmal letter in the Record Office (Letters 
and Papers oj tin iLign of Hfnry VIII, vol. xiii, pt. 2, 557). 

Of late ther is a stay made att Parys towching the 
printing of the bible in English, and sute made to the 
great mayster * to prouide for remedie therin ; but as yet 
it is not obteyned. God send all to the best and preserue 
your Lordeship so well as I can and am mooste bounden 
to desire. At St. Quyntyns 7 Octobris. 

NOVEMBER 16, 1538 

From the British Museum facsimile of the copy in the library 
of the Society of Antiquaries. 

The Kynges Moste Royall maiestie beinge enfourmed, 
that sondry contentious and sinyster opinyons, haue by 
wrongeteachynge and naughtye printed bokes, encreaced 
and growen within Ihis his realme of Englande. ; . . 

Fyrste for expellynge and aduoydinge the occasion 
of the said errours and seditiouse opinions, by reason of 
bokes imprinted in the englyshe tonge, brought and 

1 Anne de Montmorency, Grand Master and Constable of 
France since February 10 of this year. 


transported from outward parties, The kynges mo&t 
royall maiestie straytely chargeth and commaundeth, 
that no person or persons, of what estate degree or con- 
dition so euer he be, shall from hensforth (without his 
maiesties speciall licence) transport or bringe from out- 
warde parties, into this his realrne of England, or any 
other his gracis dominions, any maner bokes printed in 
the englyshe tonge, nor sell, gyue, vtter, or publishe any 
suche bokes from hensforthe to be broughte into this 
realme, or into any his highnes domynions, vpon the 
peynes that the offendours in that article shall nat onely 
incurre and runne into his gracis moste high displeasure 
and indignation, but also shall lose and forfaite vnto his 
maiestie, all his or theyr goodes and cattalles, and haue 
emprisonment at his gracis wyll. 

Item that no persone or persons in this realme, shall 
from hensforth print any boke in the englyshe tonge, 
onles vpon examination made by some of his gracis priuie 
counsayle, or other suche as his highnes shall appoynte, 
they shall haue lycence so to do, and yet so hauynge, not 
to put these wordes Cum priuilegio regali> without addyng 
ad imprimendum solum, 1 and that the holecopie, or els at 
the least theffect of his licence and priuilege be therwith 
printed, and playnely declared and expressed in the 
Englyshe tonge vnderneth them: Nor from henseforth 
shall printe or bryng into this his realm any bokes of 
diuine scripture in the englishe tonge, with any anno- 
tations in the margyn, or any prologe or additions in 
the calender or table, excepte the same be firste viewed, 
examyned, and allowed by the kynges highnes, or 
suche of his maiesties counsayle, or other, as it shall 

1 i. e. they were not to make a mere permission to print appear 
as if any special favour or monopoly were being conferred on the 



please his grace to assigne therto, but onely the playne 
sentence and texte, with a table or repertorie, in- 
structynge the reader to fynde redel\ T the chapiters 
conteyned in the sayd boke, and the effect es therof. 
Nor shall from henseforthe prynte any boke of 
translations in the englyshe tonge, oneles the playne 
name of the translatour therof be conteyned in the saide 
boke, or elles that the pr\Titer will answere for the same 
as for his owne priuie dede and acte, and other\vise to 
make the translatour the printer and the setter forthe 
of the same, to suffre punishment, and make a fyne at 
the kynges wyll and pleasure. 

Item that no persone or persons, vsyng the occupation 
of pryntyng of bokes in this realme, shall prynt, vtter, 
sel, or cause to be published any bokes of scripture in the 
englishe tonge, vntyl suche time as the same bokes be 
fyrst viewed, examyned, and admitted by the kynges 
highnesse, or one of his priuie counsayle, or one byshoppe 
of this realme, whose name also his grace wylleth shall 
be therin expressed, vpon peyne not onely to incurre and 
runne into the kynges most hygh displeasure and 
indignation, but also to lose and forfayte al theyr goodes 
and catalles, and suffre emprisonement at his gracis wyll 
and pleasure. . . . 

Westminster xvi. Nouembr. Anno regni regis Henrici 
octaui xxx. 

Tho. Berthelet, regius impressor excudebat. 
Cum priuilegio. 



From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E, v. 333. 

After moost humble comendacions. Pleaseth it 
your lordship to vnderstand that it chaunsed sence oure 
comynge into these partes, that James Nycolson that 
dwelleth in Southwark put in prynt the newe testament 
both in latyn and englyshe, 2 which booke was delyuered 
vnto vs by a straunger And when Mastei Couerdale had 
aduysed and consydered thesame. he founde liis name 
added thervnto as the translator, with thewhich he 
neuer had to do, nether sawe he it before it was full 
prynted and ended. And also founde the booke so 
folyshly done, ye and so corrupt, that yt did not only 
greue him that the prynter had so defamed him and his 
learnyng by addynge his name to so fonde a thinge, but 
also that the commen people was depryued of the true 
and syncere sence of godes true worde, and also that 
soche an occasyon was mynystred to the enemyes of 
Godes worde, that rather seke occasyons to rayle and 
sclaunder, then to be edefyed. And therfore at Ms moost 
honest and lawfull request (although I had ynough to do 
besyde) I haue prynted thesame agayne, translated and 
corrected by Master Couerdale him selfe. Of the which 
bookes now beynge fyneshed, I have here sent your lord- 
ship the fyrst (and so haue I also sent vnto my lorde of Can- 
torbury another and almoost to euery christen bysshop 3 

1 Endorsed : ' To ye right honorable and their synguler good 
lorde, my lord preuaye seale. Rychard Grafton. the firste of 
Decembre from parys.' 

a See above, No. XXXII, A, note i. 

3 By 'christen bishop', here and in the final paragraph, 
Grafton seems to mean those favourable to the Protestant cause. 

R 2 


that is in the realme, My lorde of harfforde also hath 
sent to Mr. Rychard Cromwell one of the same) thewhich 
I moost humbly desyer your lordship to accept, hauyng 
respecte rather vnto my harte, then to the gifte ; for 
it is not so well done as my harte wolde wysshe it 
to be : I haue also added, as your lordship maye 
perceaue, these wordes, Cum gracia et priuilegio Regis. 
And the day before this present came there a post 
named Nycolas which brought your lordshipes letters 
to my lorde of harfforde, with thewhich was bounde 
a certen inhibicion for pryntynge of bookes, and for 
addynge of these wordes Cum priuilegio. 4 Then assone 
as my lorde of harfforde had receaued yt, he sent 
ymedyatlye for Mr. Couerdale and me, readynge thesame 
thynge vnto vs, in thewhich is expressed, that we shuld 
adde these wordes (ad imprimendum solum) which 
wordes we neuer heard of before. Nether do we take it 
that those wordes shuld be added in the pryntynge of 
the scripture (if yt be truly translated) for then shuld 
yt be a great occasyon to the enemyes to saye that yt 
is not the kynges acte or mynde to set yt forth, but only 
lycence the prynters to sell soche as is put forth. Wher- 
fore moost humbly we beseke .your lordship to take no 
dyspleasor for that we haue done, for rather then any 
soche thynge shuld happen, we wolde do yt agayne, but 
I trust the thynge yt selfe is so well done, that it shall not 
only please your lordship, but also the Kynges highnes 
and all the godly in the realme. And where as your 
lordship hath added in thesayd inhibicions that your 
lordship and all the Kynges most honorable councell 
wylleth no booke from henceforth to be put in prynt, 
but that fyrst yt be alowed at the least by one bysshop. 
We moost humbly beseke your lordship to apoynt certen 
* See No. XXXVII. 


therto, 5 that they ma}*e be as readye to reade them, as 
other good men be to put them forth. For yt is now 
vij yere, 6 sence the bysshopes promysed to translate and 
set forth the byble, and as yet they haue no leasor, 
I praye god they maye haue. howbeyt, the christen 
bysshops in dede haue small leasor. Thus I commyt your 
lordship to the tuition of allmyghtie god, who euermore 
preserue your good lordship. 

your humble and faythfull 

seruytor Rychard grafton. 
At Parys the first daye of December. 


From Harleian MS., No. 604, p. 98 (112). 
Right honorable and my syngular good lorde (after all 
dew salutacions) I humbly beseche youre lordshippe, 
that by my lorde electe of Herdf orde, I maye knowe youre 
pleasure, concernynge the Annotacions of this byble, 
whether I shall proceade therin, or no. Pitie it were, 
that the darck places of the text (vpon the which I haue 
allwaye set a hande GF) shulde so passe vndeclared. 
As for anye pryuate opynion or contencious wordes, as 
I wyll utterly avoyde all soche, so \\yll I offre the annota- 
tions first to my sayde lord of Herdforde ; to the intent 
that he shall so examen the same, afore they be put in 
prynte, yf it be your lordshippes good pleasure, that 
I shall so do. As concernyng the new Testamentes in 
english & latyn, wherof your good lordshippe receaued 

5 This was not done in the case of this edition, nor of any of 
the Great Bibles, except the fourth and sixth. See text, p 23, 

* The promises of 1530 were vague ; it was after December 
1534 that an effort was made. 

1 Endorsed : Myles Coverdale about thexposycyon of darkc 
places of the byble, &c. 


lately a boke by your seruaunt Sebastian the Cooke, 
I besech your Ijprdship] to cons3'dre the grenesse therof, 
which (for lack of tyme) can not as j'et be so apte to be 
bounde as it shulde be : And where as my sayde lord of 
Hardforde is so good vnto vs as to convaye thus moch 
of the Byble to your good lordshippe, I humbly beseche 
the same, to be the defender & keper therof : To the 
intent that yf these men proceade in their cruelnesse 
agaynst us & confiscate the rest, yet this at the leest 
maye be safe by the meanes of your lordshippe, whom 
god the allmightie euermore preserue to his good pleasure. 
Amen. Written somwhat hastely at Parys the xiij daye 
of Decembre. 

Your l[ordships] humble & faithfull seruitour 

Myles Couerdale. 

To my most syngular good lorde and master the lorde 
Cromwell lorde prevye seale. this delyuer. 



From the copy transcribed in Cotton MS., Cleopatra E, v. 58, 
fol. 326. 1 

Fratei henricus Garuais in sacra theologia Doctor. 
Regius Prior conventus fratrum predicatorum, paris. 
necnon vicarius generalis venerabilis patris fratris 
mathei ory eiusdem ordinis etiam sacre theologie doc- 
toris, Inquisitoris generalis heretice prauitatis in toto 

1 Endorsed : * The copie of the seconde citacion and inhibicion 
made to the prynter.' 


Regno francie apostolica et Regia auctoritatibus spe- 
cialiter deputati. 

Omnibus Presbiteris vicariis curatis et non curatis 
notariis quoque et tabellionibus publicis vbilibet consti- 
tutis salutem in domino. Quoniam ex traductione sacre 
scripture tarn veteris quam noui testamenti in vernacu- 
lam linguam que ad smiplicium manus pervenit com- 
pertum est novissimis diebus nonnullos occasionem 
sumpsisse erroris in fide, Et edicto supreme curie parlia- 
ment! cautum est ne quispiam vetus aut novum testa- 
mentum vernacula lingua imprimat aut impressa vendat 
Nobis autem notum est quendam franciscum Regnault 
bibliopolam huiusce ciuitatis parisiensis his diebus 
imprimere bibliam in ydiomate vulgari britannice, Occa- 
cione cuius possent oriri scandala et errores in ecclesia 
hinc est quod nobis quibus ex officio incumbit nedum 
ortos errores et hereses in fide extirpare sed etiam futuris 
pro posse obuiare vobis omnibus et singulis supradictis 
in virtute sancte obedientie districte percipiend. manda- 
mus quatenus ad Requestam et Instantiam venerabilis 
viri promotoris causarum officii dicte sancte Inquisitionis 
Citetis peremptorie et personaliter apud dictum con- 
ventum fratrum predicatorum coram nobis ad diem 
primam post presentium nostrarum liter arum executionem 
hora secunda expectatem tertiam post meridiem eiusdem 
diei franciscum Regnault et alios quos decebit nobis ex 
officio nostro et dicti promotoris supra premissis respon- 
suros, inhibentes eisdem sub pena canonica ne vltra ad 
impressionem dicte biblie vernacula lingua procedant. 
Nee folia impressa a se et sua possessione abdicent et 
alienent donee utraque biblia 2 per nos visa aliter fuerit 

8 The information thus applied to the Latin-English New 
Testament which Regnault was printing for Coverdale, as well 
as to the English Bible. 


ordinatum. Date parisius sub sigillo quo in talibus 
vtimur ac signo manual! notarii seu scribe dicte sancte 
Inquisitionis iurati. Anno domini millessimo quingen- 
tesimo tricesimo octavo die decima septima mensis 
decembris. Item et aliam bibliam in sermone gallico 
impressam passim vendere. 3 Date ut supra. 

Le tellier. 

Friar Henry Garvais, Regius Doctor in Sacred Theo- 
logy, Prior of the Convent of Preaching Friars at Paris, 
Vicar-General also of the venerable father Friar Matthew 
Ory of the same order, also Doctor of Sacred Theology, 
Inquisitor general of heresy in all the Kingdom of France, 
specially deputed by the authority of the Apostolic See 
and the King, To all priests, vicars, with and without 
cures, notaries also and summoners, wherever they be, 
health in the Lord. Whereas from the translation of 
Holy Scripture alike of the Old and New Testament into 
the vernacular tongue which has come into the hands 
of the simple it has been found lately that some have 
taken occasion to err in the faith. And by an edict of 
the supreme court of parliament it has been provided 
that none shall print the Old or New Testament in the 
vernacular or sell printed copies. And it has become 
known to us that a certain Frangois Regnault, bookseller 
of this city of Paris, at the present time is printing 
a bible in British in the vulgar tongue, by occasion of 
which scandals and errors might arise in the church, 
hence is it that we whose official duty it is not only 
to root out errors and heresies in faith when they have 
arisen but also as far as possible to obviate them, to you 
the aforesaid, one and all, in the virtue of holy obedience 

3 This sentence about a French Bible seems to have got into 
the transcript by mistake. 


give command, at the request and instance of the vener- 
able promoter of the office of the said holy Inquisition, 
to cite peremptorily and personally at the said convent of 
the Preaching Friars before us on the first day after the 
execution of our present letters, between the hours of 
two and three after noon, Francois Regnault and others 
whom it shall beseem to make answer to us in accordance 
with our office and the premises of the said promoter, 
prohibiting the aforesaid persons under the canonical 
penalty from proceeding further to the impression of the 
said Bible in the vernacular tongue and from surrender- 
ing and alienating the printed sheets from their possession 
until, after such bible has been examined by us, it be 
otherwise ordained. Given at Paris under the seal which 
we use in such matters and the sign manual of the 
sworn notary or scribe of the said holy Inquisition 
in the year of our Lord 1538 the seventeenth day of 
December. Also that another Bible printed in the 
French language is being sold everywhere. Given as 

Le Tellier. 


Extract from British Museum Additional MS. 33514, f. 9. 

Monseigneur, depuis la lettre que ie vous escriuis hier, 
Milord Prive seel m'a ce matin enuoye prier que ie me 
trouuasse en son logis, pour vng peu deviser auec moy, 
Et m'a compte comme il auoir receu des lettres de 

1 This letter describing an interview with Cromwell is thus 
summarized in the Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII ', 
vol. xiii, 2, No. 1 163 : ' The substance of his discourse was that 
he himself had at his own cost got a Bible printed in English, 


TAmbassadeur du Ro}* son maistre devers le Roy ; lequel, 
comme il m'a dit, est modeste et veritable Ambassadeur, 
escrivant toutes choses pour la continuation de 1'amitie 
d'entre nos deux Roys, Et selouant de 1'audience et assez 
bonne chere qu'on luy faict. La substance de ses propos 
est que luy-mesmes, a ses propres cousts et despens, 
a faict imprimer vne Bible en vulgaire Angloys, Et que 
les Imprimeurs ont este citez et tourmentez par quelques- 
vns de 1'Vniuersite de Paris, et les liures arrestez, II 
vouldroit bien prier le Roy et vous, qu'on permist 
(attendu que ce n'est que le vray texte de la Bible, trans- 
late de mot a mot, pour la lecture des Angloys qui n'ont 
pas la langue latine, et que ladicte Bible ne peult seruir 
qu'aux Angloys) II pleust au Roy permettre qu'elle fust 
imprime a Paris ; pource que les impressions y sont 
plus belles qu'en autre lieu, et pour le grand nombre des 
Imprimeurs, et la grande abondance de papier qui y est, 
les liures y sont plustost expediez qu'en nul autre pays. 
Et s'il plaist au Roy tant faire pour luy, il luy donnera 
a congnoistre (comme il espere faire en bref,) qu'il fera 
autant pour luy en quelqu'autre endroit ; comme celuy 

and the printers have been cited and troubled by certain of the 
University of Paris, and the books arrested. He would pray the 
King and you (as it is the true text of the Bible, and could only 
be used by Englishmen) to permit its being printed in Paris ; 
because the printing is finer there than elsewhere, and with the 
great number of printers and abundance of paper, books are 
despatched sooner than in any other country. If the King will 
do this for him he hopes soon to do as much in return in some 
other way. If the King will not grant this, will he allow (as it 
seems he has already promised the ambassador) the books to be 
sent here as they are ? He told me they cost him 600 marks, 
that is 3600 livres tournois, and that his only object is to give 
them away. Moreover he wishes the King to forbid in his realm 

people to speak against this King, etc As to the first, I replied 

as had done long before, and as you answered the English 
ambassador, etc/ 


qtti est du tout enclin a son seruice. Quelque opinion que 
i'ay autres-f oys eu au contraire et dont certes il m'asseure, 
et me prie le croyre. Et au cas qu'il ne pleust au Roy 
ainsi luy octroyer, qu'il soit content (comme il me semble 
qu'il diet qu'on 1'a desia accorde audict Ambassadeur) 
qu'ils soyent R'enuoyez ainsi qu'ils sont. II m'a diet 
que les diets liures luy coustent bien six cents marcs, 
qui sont troys mil six cens liures tournoj*s, et que le tout 
n'est, sinon pour les donner. 

JANUARY 9, 1539 * 

From Correspondent des Kaisers Karl V. aus dew Komghchen 
Archw und der Btbhothek de Bourgogne zu Britssel> mitgetheilt 
von Dr. Karl Lanz t Band II, Leipzig, 1845, p. 299 sqq. 

Sire, en oultre ledit Crumuel avertist icelluy ambassa- 
deur, comme il avoit fait imprimer a Paris une libelle 
[Pbible] en anglois que luy coustoit bien environ deux 
mille escuz, et que dez ce quelle avoit este achevee 
et payee ceulx de luniversite lavoient fait detenir, 
arrester et sequestrer, ce qu'il trouvait bien estrange ; 
parquoy prioit tresfort ledit ambassadeur vouloir escripre 
bien acertes pour la relaxation di celle, et asseurer de sa 
part ledit roy treschrestien, que, sil faisait tant pour luy 
faire tout incontinent relaxer sadite bible, quil luy 
rendroit bien la pareille. Et sur ce, sire, ledit seigneur 

1 This letter summarizes the conversation between Cromwell 
and Castillon already recounted by Castillon himself. Its impor- 
tance lies in the postcript, which implies that it was the French 
ambassador himself who had suggested that the Inquisition allowed to seize the Bibles. The cost of the Bibles to 
Cromwell is here given as 2,000 crowns. 


Crumuel vint a prier ledit ambassadeur, vouloir penser, 
imaginer et luy dire, sil y avoit chose en ce monde qui 
puist ayder et seniir au laugmentement et confirmation 
de lindissoluble amytie entre leurs maiestes, il se feroit 
fort dy conduire cedit roy son maistre, comme aussi de 
oster toutes les causes et occasions qui pourroient en 
facon du monde engendrer quelque scrupule entre eulx, 
pressant extremement ledit ambassadeur, luy vouloir 
declairer, sil en scavoit ou suspeconnoit quelcune ; et 
pense icelluy ambassadeur, que ledit seigneur Crumuel 
desiroit, quil lui dit, quil serait bon dabolir la pension 
que cedit roy pretendoit en France, pour abatre tous les 

[Postcript *J 

Sire, en cest instant veuillant serrer ceste, le secre- 
taire de I'ambassadeur de France mest venu dire de la 

a Summarized in Letters and Papers, <&*., vol. xiv ; I. 37 : 
1 At this moment the secretary of the French ambassador has 
come to tell me on his master's part that Cromwell returning late 
from Court visited him and told him that within two hours the 
King had received letters from his ambassador in France stat- 
ing that the French King had imprisoned two Cordeliers who 
had defamed the King in their sermons, and it was said they 
would be severely punished ; and that Francis had on the first 
day of the year given the English ambassador a good reception 
and ordered that what was already printed of the Bible in English 
should be delivered to his ministers ; at which the King had 
showed himself wonderfully pleased and felt himself greatly 
bound to Francis, and also to the said Ambassador, who did not 
cease to do everything to preserve the amity. The Ambassador 
informs me that all that was done in France was merely an 
artifice to abuse those here, not to put them in mistrust, and that 
he had advised it by his letters ; nevertheless those which he 
wrote about the defamation of the King and the sequestration 
of the Bible could scarcely have yet arrived at the French court.' 


part de sondit maistre, comme hier sur le tard revenant 
Crumuel de la court, saddressant son chemin par devant 
le logis dicelluy ambassadeur, il entre dedans pour 
ladvertir, que puis deux heures ce roy avoit receu lettres 
bien freiches de son ambassadeur resident en court dudit 
France, par lesquelles il ladvertissoit, que le roy tres- 
chrestien avoir fait mectre en prison deux cordeliers qua 
voient voulu en leurs sermons diffamer cedit roy, et ce 
parloit que lesdits cordeliers seroient tres aigrement 
pugnis et chastoyez, et que ledit roy treschrestien avait 
a ce premier jour de Ian fait bon recueil et grosse chiere 
a son ambassadeur, et si avoit commande, que ce questoit 
desja imprime de la bible en anglais, il fut delivre a ses 
ministres ; de quoy cedit roy sestoit monstre merveil- 
leusement joyeulx et sen tenoit tres oblige audit seigneur 
roy treschrestien et aussi a icelluy ambassadeur qui ne 
cessoit de faire tout bon office pour conserver lamytie 
entre ledit seigneur roy treschrestien et luy . Et ma mande 
dire ledit ambassadeur, que tout ce quavoit este fait audit 
France nestoit que artimce pour abuser ceulx cy, pour 
non les mectre en mefnance, et quil avoit cella sollicite 
par ses lettres : toutef ois celles quil a deu escripre sur le 
cas de la diffamation de cedit roy et touchant le sequestre- 
ment de la bible a payne pour Iheure presente peuvent 
estre anivees a la court dudit France. Ledit ambassa- 
deur ma aussi envoye demander, sil estoit vray, que ce 
roy eust envoye presenter a la duchesse du Milan ung 
dyamant de la valeur de seize mil ducatz, comme luy 
avoit este dit ; a quoy luy envoyay dire nen avoit oncques 
ouy parler, comme aussi en verite ne avoie. 

Sire, atant &c. De Londres le 9 de Janvier 1538 [1539] . 



From British Museum Additional MS. 33514, f. 18. 

Monsegneur le s r Crumoil qui a le maniement de 
tons les affaires de ce Royaulme ma prie et Requis vous 
supplyer tresaffectueusement de sa part de luy faire 
deliurer certaines bibles en Angloys qui furent Imprimes 
a Paris soffrant en cas pareil a faire tout ce quil vous 
plaira luy commandey et soy disant votre treshumble 
seruiteur a quoy je nay fait aulcune Responce sinon que 
je te vous escrivois, 1 

IN ENGLAND, MAY 6, 1539 l 

From the letter of M. Francisque Michel to the Athenaeum, 
May 20, 1871, compared with Correspondance pohtique de 
MM. de Castitton et de Manllac t ambassadeurs de France en 
A ngleterre, 1537-1 542, pubhee par M. Jean Kaulek . Paris, 1885, 
No. 113. 

Au demeurant, quant a ce que le sieur Cramoel vous 
a diet et prie touchant les bibles en vulgaire angloys 
imprim&s & Paris, qu'il desire luy estre delivrez, je pense 

1 Marillac being newly appointed ambassador in succession to 
Castillon simply reports Cromwell's application, in ignorance of 
the part which his predecessor had played in the matter. 

1 This letter instructs Marillac to decline to give up the Bibles, 
on the ground that if they were unobjectionable they could as 
well be printed in England ; if objectionable, the French king did 
not wish to be responsible for them. The point of the better 
equipment of the French presses is not considered. 


qu'a vostre partement d'icy il vous a este commnnicque 
la responce que Von a plusiers toys fecte li-dessous 
a la continuelle instance que en faisoict lambassadeur 
d'Angleterre estant icy, qui est en substance, que le roy, 
apres avoir entendu plusiers choses i'alciffiees et erron- 
nees estre dedans, s'est resolu de ne les faire delnrer : car 
ce qui est bon se peult aussi bien imprimer en Angleterre 
que en France ; mais ce qui est mauvais, ledict seigneur 
ne permetra qu'il se imprime par dega, ou, soubz la 
faculte de Timpression, il ne veult donner coulleur ne 
auctorite aux maulvaises choses. Veez la ce que Ton 
a respondu, comme ledict Cramoel a este assez adverty, 
sans ce que vous luy en replicque aultre chose, &c. . . . 

Escript a Chasteau Regnard, le vi jour de May, 1539. 


From the same sources as the preceding. 

[Londres], 5 juillet. Le dernier jour du passe arriva le 
sieur d'Ampont, depeche pour laffaire de monseigneur de 
la Rochepot avec les lettres du roi de France au roi 
d'Angleterre et celles du connetable a Cromwell et au due 
de Norfolk. Marillac a expose 1'affaire au long a Crom- 

1 CromweU is here shown trying to use a case in which the 
French were complainants as a lever to obtain the restoration 
of the Bibles, but the tone of Marillac 's report shows that not 
much attention was then being paid to him. It has been sug- 
gested that the Bibles were ultimately given up early in November, 
the dispute in which Monseigneur de Rochepot, i, e. Fran$ois de 
Montmorency, Governor of Picardy and brother of the Constable 
of France, was involved eventually giving Cromwell a strong 
enough card to play. 


well. Celui-ci a fait si honnete reponse * que s'il estoit 
si vaillant & tenir qu'il est hardy a promettre, sans 
difficult e ne m'en pourrois esperer que bien, combien 
qu'entre aultres propoz en discourant sur cest affaire et 
aultres qu'il avoit mis en avant, il se soil bien souvenu 
des bibles en vulgaire dont aultrefoys il me avoit prye de 
vous escripre, alleguant le dommaige qu'il en avoit eu 
pour avoir este aucteur et fait les fraiz de ce qui fust 
comenc & Paris, ne voulant prendre pour grand satis- 
faction les responces que je luy en ay faictes le plus 
dextrement qu'il m'estoit possible, pour 1'entretenir le 
inieux que pourroie, d'aultant que Ton a affaire de luy 
et que 1'yssue de cest affaire pend plus de sa voulent6 
que de celle du roy, son maistre ; lequel aussi, apres que 
je luy ay remonstre les mesmes raisons du fait de mondit 
sieur vostre frere, nous a diet pour responce qu'il escriroit 
audict sieur Cramoil, a son chancellier et aultres de son 
conseil, qu'ilz eussent a regarder et examiner ceste cause, 
en laquelle s'ilz y voyent apparance pour nous, encores 
que la justice en fust doubteuse, qu'ilz nous eussent 
gratifiez en tout ce qu'ilz verroyent que la raison de 
justice ne seroict directement au contraire, pour Tamour 
duroy, son frere, que luy en rescripvoit si affecteusement ; 
et sur ceste responce, Monseigneur, je suys retourne" des 
champs, ou jestoys alle, trouver ce roy en ceste ville pour 
solliciter vifvement ledict affaire pour en tirer briefve 
resolution et responce par escript, ainsi que ledict 
seigneur roy m'a promis, &c. . . . 

De Londres, ce v de juillet. 



[1539] * 

From the original in the Record Office (Letters and Papets of 
Henry VIII, vol. xiv, pt. 2, 517). 

My veray singular good Lorde, After my moste hartie 
commendations theis shalbe to signifie unto your Lorde- 
ship that Bartelett and Edward Whitecherche hath 
ben with me, and have, by thair accomptes, declared 
thexpensis and charges of the pryntyng of the great 
bibles ; and by thadvise of Bartelett I haue appoynted 
theym to be soulde for xiij s. iiij d. a pece, and not aboue. 
Howbeit Whitechurche enformeth me, that your lorde- 
ship thinketh it a moore convenient price to haue theym 
solde at xs a pece 2 , which, in respecte of the greate 
chargis, both of the papar (which in very dede is sub- 
stanciall and good) and other great hinderaunces, White- 
churche and his felowe thinketh it a small price, Never- 
theles they ar right well contented to sell theym for xs., 
so that you wolbe so good lorde unto theym, as to 
graunte hensforth none other Lycence to any other 
printer, saving to theym, for the printyng of the said 
bible. For els thei thinke that thei shalbe greately 
hindered therbye ; yf any other should printe, they sus- 
teynyng suche charges as they al redie have don. Where- 
fore I shall beseche your Lordeshipe, in consideration of 

1 Endorsed : The bishopp of Cant, the xiiij th of November. 

a This was presumably the price at which the early Great 
Bibles were issued, although, since Cromwell kept the matter in 
his own hands (see next document), it was not until April 1541 
(see No. XLII), that it was fixed by the Privy Council. 



their travaile in this behalf, to tender thair requestes, 
and thei have promysed me to prynte in thende of their 
bibles the price therof , to thente the Kinges lege people 
shall not hensforth be deceyvid of thair price. 

Farther, yf your Lordeship hath known the kinges 
highnes pleasure concernyng the preface of the Bible, 
whiche I sent to you to oversee, so that his grace doth 
alowe the same, I pray you that the same may be 
delyvered unto the said Whitechurch, unto printyng : 
trusting that it shall both encorage many slowe readers, 
and also stay the rash judgementes of theym that reade 
therin. Thus our Lorde have your good Lordeship in his 
blessed tuition. Att Lambeth the xiiijfo Day of Nouember . 

Yor own ever assured, 

T. Cantuarien. 
To my singuler good Lorde my Lorde Privie Seale. 


From the original Patent Roll, 31 Henry VIII, part 4, 
November 14, 1539. 

For the Bible to be pryntyd by the ouersight of 
the lord Crumwell 

Henry the eight &c. To all and singular Prynters and 
sellers of bookes within this oure realme and to all other 
officers mynistres and subiectes theise oure lettres 

1 As this patent is dated on the same day as Cranmer's letter, 
it is evident that immediately on hearing from the archbishop 
of the need for protecting the printers, Cromwell must have 
obtained a patent from the king, not for them, but for himself. 
He was thus enabled to keep the whole matter in his own hands. 


heryng or seyng, gretyng. We late you witt that beyng 
desirous to haue oure people at tymes conuenyent geue 
theym selfes to thatteynyng of the knowlege of goddes 
worde Wherby they shall the better honour hym and 
obserue and kepe his commaundementes and also do 
their duties the better to vs beyng their Prince and 
soueraigne lorde. And consideryng that as this oure 
zeale and desire cannot by any meane take so good 
effecte as by the grauntyng to theym the free and 
lyberall use of the bible in oure oune maternall english 
tonge so onles it be forseen that the same passe at the 
begynnyng by one translation to be perusid and con- 
sidered, the frailtie of menne is suche that the diuersitie 
therof maye brede and brynge forthe nianyfolde incon- 
uenyences as when wilfull and hedy f olkes shall conferre 
upon the diuersitie of the said translacions, We have 
therfore appoynted oure right trusty and welbeloued 
counsellour the lorde Crumwell keper of oure pryvye 
seale to take for vs and in oure name speciall cure and 
charge that no manner of persone or persones within this 
oure realme shall enterprise attempte or sett in hande 
to print any bible in the english tonge of any nianer of 
volume duryng the space of fyue yeres next ensuyng 
after the date hereof, but only all suche as shalbe deputid 
assignid and admytted by the said lorde Crumwell, 
Willyng and commaundyng all maires Shrifes Bailyffes 
constables and all other oure officers ministres and sub- 
iectes to be aydyng to oure said counsailour in thexecu- 
tion of this oure pleasure and to be conformable in the 
accomplishment of the same as shall apperteigne. In 
Witnes wherof &c, Witnes oure self at Westm, the 
xiiij days of Nouembre. per ipsum Regem- & de dat. 
predicta, &c, 

s 2 



From Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council of 
England. Edited by Sir Harris Nicolas, vol. vii, pp. 181-6. 


At Grenewiche the xxv*y of April beyng present the 
Counsail which was present the daye before. 

It was agreed that Anthony Marler of London, 
merchant, might sell the bibles of the gret volume 
unbcmnde for xs. sterl. and bounde being trymmed 
with bullyons for xij s. sterling. 


At Grenewich the f urst daye of Maye being present the 
Archebishop of Cantorbuiy, the Chauncelor of Englande, 
the Duke of Norfolk, the Lord Pryvey Seale, the Gret 
Chambrdain, of Englande, the Erie of Hertforde, the 
Gret Admiral of Englande, the Bisshop of Duresme, the 
Treasurer of Household, the Comptroller of Household, 
Sir Thomas Wriothesley Secretary, Sir Rauff Sadleir 
Secretary. , . . 

Wheras Antony Marler of London marchaunt put up 
a supplicacion unto the forsaid Counsaill in maner & 
forme folowing. Wheras it hath pleased you for the 
comon wealth to take no small peynes in the f urtheraunce 
of the price of my bookes, moost humbly I beseche the 
same to have in consideracion that onles I have by the 
meane of prodamacion sum charge or commission that 
every church not fedy provided of one bible, shall 
according to the Kinges highnes former injunctions 


gyven in that behalf, provide them of a Bible of the 
largest volume, by a day to be prefixed and appointed, 
as shalbe thought moost convenient by your wisdomes, 
my grete sute, that I have made herin is not only frus- 
trate and voyde, but also being charged as I am with an 
importune somme of the said bookes now lying on my 
hande, am undone for ever. And therfor trusting to the 
merciful consideracions of your high wisedomes, I humbly 
desire tobteyn the same commission, or sum other com- 
maundement, and I with allmyne during our lifes ar and 
shalbe bounde to pray contynually for your prosperous 
felicites long tendure. 

It was agreed by the Lordes and others of the Kinges 
Maiesties Consaill that there shalbe a proclamation 
made according to his request, and that the day to be 
limited for the havyng of the saide bookes shall be 


MAY 6, 1541 
From the original edition in the British Museum. 

A proclamacion, ordeyned by the Kynges maiestie, 
with the aduice of his honourable counsayle for the 
Byble of the largest and greatest volume, to be had in 
euery churche. Deuised the vi day of May the xxxiii. 
yeare of the kynges moste gracious reygne. 

Where, by Iniunctions 1 heretofore set forth by the 

1 The third and fourth of the Injunctions issued by Cromwell 
as Vicar-General were : ' Item, that ye shall provyde on this 
side the feast of ... next commyng, one boke of the -whole Bible 


auctorite of the kynges royall maiestye, Supreme head 
of the churche of this his realme of Englande. It was 
ordeyned and commaunded amongest other thynges, 
that in al and synguler paryshe churches, there shuld be 
prouyded by a certen day nowe expyred, at the costes of 
the curates and paryshioners, Bybles conteynynge the 
olde and newe Testament, in the Englyshe tounge, to be 
fyxed and set vp openlye in euery of the sayd paryshe 
churches. The whiche Godlye commaundement and 
iniuntion was to the onlye intent that euery of the 
kynges maiesties louynge subiectes, myndynge to reade 
therin, myght by occasyon thereof, not only consyder 
and perceyue the great and ineffable omnipotent power, 

of the largest volume in Englyshe, and the same sett up in summe 
convenyent place within the said churche that ye have cure of, 
whereas your parishners may most commodiouslye resort to the 
same, and rede yt ; the charges of which boke shal be ratablie 
born between you the parson, and the parishners aforsaid, that 
ys to say, the one half by yowe, and th'other half by them. 

' Item, that ye discorage no man pryuely or apertly from the 
readinge or hearing of the same Bible, but shall expresslye pro- 
voke, stere, and exhorte every parsone to rede the same, as that 
whyche ys the verye lively worde of God, that every christen 
man ys bownde to embrace, beleve, and followe, yf he loke to 
be saved ; admonyshinge them neverthelesse, to avoid all con- 
tention, altercation therin, and to use an honest sobrietye in the 
inquisition of the true sense of the same, and referre th'explica- 
tion of obscure places, to men of higher jugement in Scripture.' 
(Printed from Reg. Cranmer, fol. ppb, in Wilkins's Concilia, iii. 
815, under the date 1536, which is probably two years too early.) 

In 1537 Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, had laid as his second 
and third Injunctions on the prior and convent of St. Mary's 
House in Worcester : ' Item, that the prior shall provide of the 
monasteries charge, a whole Bible in English to be laid, fast 
chained, in some open place, either in their church or cloister. 
Item, that every religious person have at the least a New Testa- 
ment in English, by the feast of the nativity of our Lord next 
ensuing ' (Wilkins, iii. 832). 


promyse, iustice, mercy and goodnes of Almyghtie God, 
But also to learne thereby to obserue Gods com- 
maundementes, and to obeye theyr soueraygne Lorde 
and hyghe powers, and to exercyse Godlye charite, and 
to vse themselues, accordynge to theyr vocations : in 
a pure and syncere christen lyfe without muimure or 
grudgynges. By the which Iniunctions the Kynges 
royall maiestye intended, that his louynge subiectes 
shulde haue and vse the commoditie of the readyng of 
the sayd Bybles, for the purpose aboue rehersed, humbly, 
mekelj, reuerently and obediently; and not that any 
of them shulde reade the sayde Bybles, wyth lowde and 
hyghe voyces, in tyme of the celebracion of the holye 
Masse and other dyuyne seruyces vsed in the churche, 
nor that any hys lay subiectes redynge the same, shulde 
presume to take vpon them, any common dysputacyon, 
argumente or exposicyon of the mysteries therein con- 
teyned, but that euery suche laye man shulde humbly, 
mekely and reuerentlye reade the same, for his owne 
instruction, edificacion, and amendement of hys lyfe, 
accordynge to goddes holy worde therin mentioned, 
And notwythstandynge the kynges sayde moost godlye 
and gracious commaundement and Iniunction in forme 
as is aforesayde, Hys royall maiestye is informed that 
dyuers and many Townes and paryshes wythin thys hys 
realme haue negligently omytted theyr dueties in the 
accomplishement therof wherof his highnes maruayleth 
not a lytle. And niyndynge the execucion of his sayde 
former, moost godly and gracyous Iniunctions : doeth 
straytlye charge and commaunde that the Curates and 
paryshioners of euerye towne and paryshe wythin thys 
hys realme of Englande, not hauynge already Bybles 
prouyded wythin theyr paryshe churches, shall on thys 
syde the feaste of Alsayntes next commynge, bye and 


prouyde Bybles of the largest and greatest volume, and 
cause the same to be set and fyxed in euery of the sayde 
paryshe churches, there to be vsed as is aforesayd: 
accordynge to the sayde former Iniunctions ; vpon 
payne that the Curate and inhabitauntes of the paryshes 
and townes, shal lose and forfay te to the Kynges maiestye 
for euery moneth that they shall lacke and want the 
sayde Bybles, after the same feast of Alsayntes fourty 
shyllynges, the one halfe of the same forefayt to be to 
the kynges maiesty, and the other halfe to hym or them 
whyche shall fyrste fynde and present the same to the 
Kynges maiestyes counsayle. And fynally, the kynges 
royall maiestie doeth declare and sygnifye to all and 
syngular his louynge subiectes, that to thentent they 
maye haue the sayde Bybles of the greatest volume at 
equall and reasonable pryces, His hyghnes by the 
aduyse of hys counsayle hath ordeyned and taxed-: 
that the sellers therof, shall not take for any of the sayde 
Bybles vnbounde, aboue the pryce of ten shyllynges. , 
And for euery of the sayde Bybles well and sufficientlye, 
bounde, trymmed and clasped, not aboue twelue shyl- 
lynges, vpon payne, the seller to lose for euerye Byble 
solde contrary to this his hyghnes proclamation fourty 
shyllynges, the one moyte therof to the kynges maiestie : 
& the other moyte, to the fynder and presenter of the 
defaulte, as is afore sayde. And his hyghnes streyghtly 
chargeth and commaundeth that all and syngular ordin- 
aries hauynge ecclesiasticall iurysdiction within this his 
churche and realme of Englande and the dominion of 
Wales, that they and euery of them shall put theyr effec- 
tuall endeuours, that the Curates and parishioners shall 
obeye and accomplyshe, thys his maiestyes prodamacion 
and commaundement, as they tendre the aduauncement 
of the kynges moost gracious and godly purpose in that 


behalfe, and as they wyll answer to his hyghnes for the 


Excussum per Richardum Grafton & Eduardum 
Whitchurch. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum. 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 327.* 
Where it hathe pleased the kinges maiestie oure most 
dradde souereigne lor[d] and supreme bed vnder god of 
this Churche of England for a dedaratyon of the greate 
zeale he bereth to the setting furthe of goddes woorde 
and to the vertuouse mayntenaunce of his commen- 
wealthe to permy[t] and commaunde the Bible being 
translated in to our mother tongue to be synceiely taught 
and declared by vs the curates, And to bee openlyje] 
layed furthe in every parrishe churche ; to thintent that 
all his good subiectesaswel by reading thereof as byhering 
the true explanacion of the same may First lerne their 
dieuties to allmightie god and his maiestie and euery of 
vs charitably to vse other And thenne applying them- 
selfes to doo according to that they shall here and lerne, 
may bothe speke and doo Christienly and in al thinges as 
it beseamethe Christien men, Because his highnes very 
muche desireth that this thing being by him most godly 
begonne And sett forward maye of all you be Receyued 
as is aforesaide His maiestie hathe willed and com- 
maunded this to be declared vnto youe that his graces 
pleasure and hiegh commaundement is that in the 
reading and hering thereof, first most humbly and 
Reuerently vsing and addressing yourselfes vnto it, you 

1 Endorsed : Towchinge the reading of the Byble. 


shall haue allwayes in your Rememberaunce and 
memoryes that all thinges conteyned in this booke is 
the vndoubted wylle, lawe and commaundement of 
almightie god thonely and straight meane to knowe the 
goodnes and benefytes of god towardes vs and the true 
dieutye of euery christien manne to seruehim accordingly, 
And that therefore reading this booke with suche mynde 
and firme feythe as is aforesaid, you shall first endevor 
yourselfes to conforme your owne lyvinges and conuer- 
sacion to the contentes of the same And so by your good 
and vertuouse exemple to encourage your wifes childerne 
and seruauntes to lyue wel and christienly according to 
the rule thereof. And if at any tyme by reading any 
doubt shall comme to any of youe touching the sense and 
meanyng of any parte thereof, that thenne not geving 
to moche to your owne mynde, fantazies and opinions 
nor having thereof any open reasonyng in your open 
Tauernes or Alehowses, ye shall haue Recourse to suche 
lerned menne as be or shalbe auctorised to preache and 
declare the same, soo that avoyding all contentions and 
disputacions in suche Alehowses and other places 
vnmete for suche conferences and submytting your 
opinions to the ludgementes of suche lerned menne as 
shalbe appoynted in this behaulf, his grace may wel 
perceyue that you vse this most hiegh benefyte quietly 
and charitably euery of you to the edefying of himself his 
wief and f amylye in al thinges aunswering to his hieghnes 
good opinion conceyued of you in thaduauncement of 
vertue and suppressing of vice without failing to vse suche 
discrete quietnes and sober moderatyon in the premisses as 
is aforesaid As ye tender his graces pleasure and intend 
to avoyde his hiegh indignacion and the perill and daunger 
that may ensue to you and euery of you for the contrary 

And god saue the King 



From Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii, p. 863 sq. : ' Ex reg. Bonner, 
et Burnet Hist. Reform, vol. i, App. p. 251.' 

To the intent, that a good and wholesom thing, godly 
and virtuously for honest intents and purposes set forth 
for many, be not hindered or maligned at, for the abuse, 
default, and evil behaviour of a few, who for lack of 
discretion and good advisement commonly without 
respect of time or other due circumstances, proceed 
rashly and unadvisedly therein, and by reason thereof 
rather hinder than set forward the thing, that is good 
of itself : it shell therefore be very expedient, that 
whosoever repaireth hither to read this book, or any 
such like in any other place, he prepare himself chiefly 
and principally with all devotion humility and quietnes, 
to be edified and made the better thereby, adjoining 
thereto his perfect and most bounden duty of obedience 
to the king's majesty, our most gracious and dread 
sovereign lord, and supreme head, especially in accom- 
plishing his grace's most honourable injunctions and 
commandment, given and made in that behalf ; and 
right expedient, yea necessary it shall be also, that 
leaving behind him vain glory, hypocrisy, and all other 
cainal and corrupt affections, he bring with him dis- 
cretion, honest intent, charity, reverence, and quiet be- 
haviour to and for the edification of his own soul, without 
the hinderance, let, or disturbance of any other his 
Christian brother ; evermore foreseeing, that no number 
of people be especially congregate therefore to make 
a multitude, and that no exposition be made thereuppon 
otherwise than is declared in the book itself ; and that 


especial regard be had, no reading thereof be used, allowed, 
and with noise in the time of any divine service or sermon, 
or that in the same be used any disputation, contention, 
or any other misdemeanour ; or, finally, that any man 
justly may reckon himself to be offended thereby, or 
take occasion to grudge or malign thereat. 

God save the King, 


TON, written for Fox's Actes and Monuments* 

From British Museum, Harley MS. 590, fol. 77. 

A young man inhumanly persecuted by his Father 
for reading ye scripture, in K Henries time. 

Grace peace and mercy from god our father, & from our 
lorde Jesus chryste be with all them that love the gospell 
of Jesus chryst vnfaynedly, so be it, Not vnto vs lord 
not vnto vs but vnto thy name be all honour & glory. 

Jentyll reder vnderstand that I do not take in hande 
to wryte this lytyll tratyse as followeth, of inyne anone 
provokyng but I with another chavnced to goo in the 
coumpany of Mr. Foxe the gather[er] together of this grete 
boke & he desyred vs to tell hym yf we knewe of any 
man that had suffered persecvcyon for the gospell of 
Jesus Chryst, to that end he myght adde it vnto the 
boke of martres, then sayd I that I knewe one that was 
whipped in kyng henryes tyme for it of his father, then 
he enquired of me his name, then I bwrayed & sayd it 
was I myselfe & tould hym a pece of it then was he 
desyrous to have the whole svrcomstavnes of it, then 

1 Endorsed : receaued of W. Maldon of Newyngton. With 
some misgivings this ingenuous document is printed exactly as 
it stands. 


I promysed hym to wryght it, & as I sayd to hym not 
for any vayne glory I will speke, but vnto the prayse 
& honour of our god that worketh all in all, men of all 
good gyftes that cometh from aboue, vnto whom be all 
honour & glory for euer, in this life & for euer in the lyfe 
to come so be it, As I fynde by the brefe crovnakill that 
the bibill of the sacred chrypetvres was set forthe to bee 
rede in all chvrches in ingelonde, by then was j 
the late worthy kynge henry the about a xv yeres 
viijth, & Imedyately after dyueres ofage ' 
poore men in the towne of chelmysford in the county 
of Essyx where my father dwellyd & I borne & with 
hym brovght vp, the sayd poore men bought the 
newe testament of Jesus chryst & on svndayes dyd syt 
redyng in lower ende of chvrche, & 
manye wolde floke abovte them to 
here theyr redyng then I cam amonge exsepteitbegeuen 
the sayd reders to here them, redyng j^^ my father ' 
of that glade & swete tydynges 
of the gospell, then my father seyng this that I 
lestened vnto them euery svndaye, then cam he & 
sovght me amonge them, & brovght me awaye from 
the heryng of them, and wold have me to saye the lattyn 
mattyns with hym, the which greued me very myche 
& thvs did fete 2 me awaye dyueres tymes, then I see 
I covlde not be in reste, then thovghte 1 1 will learne to 
read engelyshe, & then will I haue the newe testament 
& read ther on myselfe, and then had I lamed of an 
engelyshe prymmer as fare as patrissapyentia & then 
on svndayes I plyed my engelysshe prymmer, the mayetyd 
follovyng I & my fathers prentys, thomas Jeffary layed 
our mony to gether, & bought the newe testament in 
engelyshe, & hydde it in our bedstrawe & so exersysed 
* Fetched. 


it at convenyent tymes, then shortly after my father set 
me to the kepyng of habardashe[ry] & grossary(P) . . . 
wares beyng a shott from his howse, & then I plyed my 
boke, then shortly after I wold begyn to speke of the 
schryptores, & on a nyght aboute eyght acloke my father 
sate slepyng in a chayr & my mother & I fyll on reson- 
yng of the crvsyfyx, & of the knelyng downe to it, 
knokeynge on the breste, & hovldyng vp our handes to 
it, when it cam by on precessyon, then sayd I it was 
playne Idolatry & playnely agayneste the comavnde- 
ment of god, wher he sayeth, thou shalt not make to thy 
selfe anye graven Image thou shalt not bow downe to it 
nor worshyp it, then sayed she a thou thefe yf thy father 
knewe this he \volde hang the, wilte not thou worshyppe 
the crosse & it was aboute the when thou were crystened, 
& invste be layed on the when thou art deade, with other 
tavlke, then I went & hyde frythes boke on the sacaraient 
then I went to bede, &, then my father awakyd, & my 
mother, tovlde hym of our commvyncatyon, then came he 
vp in to our chamber with a greate rodde, & as I harde 
hyni comyng vp, I blessyd me, saying in the name of 
the father & of the sonne & of the holy goste so be it, 
then sayd my father to me serra who is your scholmaster 
tell me, for sovthe father sayd I, I have no scholmaster 
but god wher he sayth in his commaundement thou shant 
not make to thyselfe anye graven Image you shavlt not 
bow downe to it nor worshypp it, then he toke me by 
the heare of my heade with bothe his handes & pvllyd 
me out of the bed behynd Thomas Jeffary bake he sytt- 
yng vp in his bedde, then he bestowed his rodd on my 
bodye & styll wolde knowe my scholmaster & other 
master then I sayd before he had none of me & he sayd 
I spake agayneste the kynges injvntyones, & as trevly 
as the lorde lyueth, I reioysyd that I was betten for 


chrystes sake, & wepte not one taare out of myne eyes 
& I thynke I felte not the strypes my reioysynge was so 
mvche, & then my father sawe that wen he had beten 
me Inofe 3 he let me goo & I wente to bede agayne, & 
shede not one tare out of myne eyes, suerly sayd my 
father, he is paste grace for he wepeth not for then was 
he in twyse so moche rage, & sayd, fette me an havlter 
I will suerly hange hym vp, for as good I hange hym vp 
as another shovlde, & when he sawe that nobody wolde 
goo he went downe, into his shoppe & brovght vp an 
havlter, & the whyles he went a thou thefe, sayd my 
mother, howe haste thow angeryd thy father, I neuer 
sawe hym so angary, mother sayed I, I am the more 
sorryer that he sholde be so angary for this matter, 
& then began I to wepe for the grefe of the lake of know- 
ledge in them, then sayed my mother, thomas Jeffary 
aryse, & make the reddy for I cannot tell what he will 
doo in his anger, & he sat vp in his bed pvttyng on of his 
clothis & my father cometh vp with ye havlter & my 
mother intretyd hym to lette me alone but in no wise he 
wolde be intretyd but pvtte the havlter aboute my neke 
I lyinge in my bedde & pvlled me with the havlter 
behynde the sayd Thomas JefEaryes bake almoste dene 
ovt of my bede then my mother cryed out & pullyd hym 
by the arme awaye, & my brother rycherd cryed out 
that laye on the other syde of me, & then my father let 
goo his hovlde & let me alone & wente to bede. 

I thynke vj. dayes after my necke greved me with the 
pvllyng of the havlter. 4 

3 Enough. 

4 This is written in the margin, as is also the following sentence, 
part of which has been rendered illegible in mounting the leaf : 
* wepyng tares . . . vrete this to thynke . . . lake of knowledge 
. . . my father and mother they hade thought they had done god 
good servis at that tyme, I troste he hath forgeuen them/ 



From Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii, pp. 860 sq. 

Convocatio praelatorum et cleri provinriae Cantuar. 
in domo capiMari ecclesiae S. Paali London. 20. 
Januarii, congregata. Ex reg. convoc. et Excerpt. 
Heylinianis, et reg. Cranmer fol. 9. 

In prima hujus convocationis sessione sacra, et quae 
sub auspiciis tractari solent, peragebantur. In secunda 
(Jan. 27) postquam Ric. Gwent, prolocutor, esset con- 
firmatus, reverendissimus ex parte regis exposuit utrique 
domui, f Quod regiae intentionis sit, quod ipsi patres, 
praelati, et derus de rebus religionis lapsis et ruentibus 
consulant, ac de remediis congruis exhibendis inter se 
deliberent, et quae reformanda et corrigenda duxerint, 
inter se corrigant et reforment ; denuncians iis, quod in 
Testamento tarn Veteri quam Novo in lingua Anglicana 
habentur multa, quae reformatione indigent ; proinde 
velle, ut prolocutor cum clero ad inferiorem domum se 
conferant, et inter se conveniant de dictis libris exami- 
nandis, quodque nonnulli periti etiam designentur ad 
canones et alias leges de simonia vitanda et coercenda 

In tertia sessione (Febr. 3.) post discursum de versione 
Bibliorum habitmn, 'reverendissimus rogavit singulos, 
utrum sine scandalo et errore ac offensione manifesta 
Christi fidelium magnam Bibliam in Anglico sermone 
tralatam vellent retinere. Visum est majori parti 
eorundem dictam Bibliam non posse retineri, nisi prius 
debite castigetur et examinetur juxta earn Bibliam, quae 
communiter in ecclesia Anglicana legitur. Postea pro- 
locutor et derus comparens, exhibuerunt reverendissimo 


quandam constitutionem provincialem per eos et in 
vulgar! et Latino sermone conceptam de simoniacis ; 
cujus considerationem ipse in aliud tempus distulit, 
clerique tempus ad exhibenda notata et errata in Veteri 
Testamento protraxit.' 

In quarta sessione (Feb. 10) nihil actum est. In 
quinta (Febr. 13) ' post colloquium inter episcopos 
habitum de modo et forma procedendi in et circa examen 
sacri voluminis, prolocutor intrans praesentavit librum, 
continentem notata per eos ex Veteri Testamento in 
diversis paginis, quae commisit rever. et patrum acri 
judicio examinanda. In coetu selecto pro examinandis 
Bibliis, Novum Testamentum tradebatur episcopis 
Dunelm. Winton. Hereford, Roffen. et Westmon. cum 
doctoribus Wotton, Day, Coren, Wilson, Leighton, May 
et aliis e domo inferior! convocationis : Vetus Testa- 
mentum archiepisc. Ebor. episcopo Elien. cum Redman, 
Taylor, Haynes, Robertson, Cocks, etc. viris in Hebraica, 
Graeca, Latina et Anglicana peritis. . . . 

(Febr. 17) Prolocutore autem intrante, antequam 
discessissent membra ejus, episcopus Winton. publice 
legebat verba Latina in sacro volumine contenta, quae 
voluit pro eorum germano et nativo intellectu et rei 
majestate, quoad poterit vel in sua natura retineri, 
vel quam accommodatissime fieri possit in Anglicum 
sermonem verti.' Quaenam ilia fuerint ex Fullero 
(Church Hist. p. 236) docemur. 


The Archbishop's speech asks the clergy in the king's 
name to come to the aid of the Church in its stress, and 
denounces the English Old and New Testament as need- 



ing many reforms ; there was therefore to be a meeting 
of the two houses to make arrangements for examining 
the said books. In the third session after a discussion 
the Archbishop asked members individually whether 
without scandal error and manifest offence of Christ's 
faithful they voted to retain the Great Bible in the Eng- 
lish speech. The majority resolved that the said Bible 
could not be retained until first duly purged and ex- 
amined side by side with the (Latin) Bible commonly 
read in the English Church. . . . The day for bringing 
up passages marked as erroneous in the Old Testament 
was deferred. In the fifth session after a conversation 
among the Bishops as to the manner and form of pro- 
ceeding with the examination of the sacred volume, the 
prolocutor entered and presented a book containing 
passages out of the Old Testament marked by the 
clergy in various pages, which he committed to be 
rigorously examined by the most reverend and the 
fathers (i. e. the Archbishop and Bishops). In committee 
for examining the Bible the New Testament was en- 
trusted to the Bishops of Durham, Winchester, Here- 
ford, Rochester and Westminstei , with Doctors Wotton, 
Day, Coren, Wilson, May, and others of the Lower 
House of Convocation. The Old Testament to the 
Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Ely, with Redman, 
Taylor, Haynes, Robertson, Cocks, &c., men skilled in 

Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and English On the prolocutor 

entering before they dissolved, the Bishop of Winchester 
publicly read the Latin words in the Sacred Volume 
which he desired for their germane and native meaning 
and for the majesty of their matter might be retained 
as far as possible in their own nature or be turned into 
English speech as dosely as possible. 2 
* The words as given by Fuller are : Ecclesia, Poenitentia, 



To the Reader Mercie and peace through Christ 
our Saviour 

As the life of a true Christian is moste subiect to the t 
reprehension of the worlde : so all his actions, and entre- 
prises, be they neuer so commendable, moue the wicked 
rather to grudge and murmure, then to glorifie God who 
is autor of the same. Which euil God hath left to his 
Churche, as a necessarie exercise, aswel that man sholde 
not be puffed vp with opinion of the gifts that he receaueth 
of his heauenly Father : as also that seing how he euer 
mainteyneth the same in despite of all outrageous 
tyrannic, he might be more assured of Gods diuine 
prouidence, and louing kyndenes towards his elect. For 

Pontifex, Ancilla, Contritus, Olocausta, Justitia, Justificare 
Idiota, Elementa, Baptizare, Martyr, Adorare, Dignus, San- 
dalium, Simplex, Sapientia, Pietas, Presbyter, Lites, Servus, 
Opera, Sacrificium, Tetrarcha, Sacramentum, Simulachrum, 
Gloria, Conflictationes, Ceremonia, Mysterium, Religio > Spiritus 
Sanctus, Spiritus, Merces, Confiteor tibi Pater, Panis proposi- 
tionis, Communio, Perseverare, Dilectus, Didragma, Hospitalitas, 
Episcopus, Gratia, Charitas, Tyrannus, Concupiscentia, Bene- 
dictio, Humilis, Humilitas, Scientia, Gentilis, Synagoga, Ejicere, 
Misericordia, Complacui, Increpare, Distribueretur, Orbis, Incul- 
patus, Senior, Apocalypsis, Satisfactio, Contentio, Conscientia, 
Peccatum, Peccator, Idolum, Prudentia, Prudenter, Cisera, 
Apostolus, Apostolatus, Egenus, Stater, Societas, Zizania, Chri- 
stus, Conversari, Profiteer, Impositio manuum, Idololatria, 
Do-minus, Sanctus, Confessio, Imitator, Pascha, Innumerabilis, 
Inenarrabilis, Infidelis, Faganus, Commilito, Virtutes, Parabola, 
Magnifico, Oriens, Subditus, Dominationes, Throni, Potestates 

T 2 


this cause we se that in the Churche of Christ ther are 
thre kyndes of men : some are malicious despicers of the 
worde, and graces of God, who turne all things into poison, 
and a farther hardening of their hearts : others do not 
openly resiste and contemne the Gospel, because they are 
stroken as it were in a trance with the maiestie therof , 
yet ether they quarell and cauell, or els deride and mocke 
at whatsoeuer thing is done for the aduancement of 
the same, The thirde sort are the simple lambes, which 
partely are already in the folde of Christ, and so heare 
willingly their Shepeherds voyce, and partly wandering 
astray by ignorance, tary the tyme tyll the Shepherde 
fynde them and bring them vnto his flocke. To this 
kynde of people, in this translation I chiefly had respect, 
as moued with zeale, conselled by the godly, and drawen 
by * occasion, both of the place where God hath appointed 
vs to dwel, and also of the store of heauenly learning & 
iudgement, which so abundeth in this Citie of Geneva, 
that iustely it may be called the patron and mirrour of 
true religion and godlynes. To these therfore which are 
of the flocke of Christ which knowe their Fathers wil, and 
are affectioned to the trueth, I rendre a reason of my 
doing in fewe lines. First as touching the perusing of 
the text, it was diligently reuised by the moste approued 
Greke examples, and conference of translations in other 
tonges as the learned may easely iudge, both by the 
faithful rendering of the sentence, and also by the pro- 
prietie of the wordes, and perspicuitie of the phrase. 
Forthermore that the Reader might be by all meanes 
profited, I haue deuided the text into verses and sections, 
according to the best editions in other langages, and 
also, as to this day the ancient Greke copies mencion, it 
was wont to be vsed. And because the Hebrewe and 
1 Misprinted ' dy '. 


Greke phrases, which are strange to rendre in other 
tongues, and also short, shulde not be so harde, I haue 
sometyme interpreted them without any whit diminish- 
ing the grace of the sense, as our langage doth vse them, 
and sometyme haue put to that worde, which lacking 
made the sentence obscure, but haue set it in such letters 
as may easely be discerned from the commun text. As 
concerning the Annotations, wherunto these letters, 
a, b, c, &c., leade vs, I haue endeuored so to profit all 
therby, that both the learned and others might be holpen : 
for to my knollage I haue omitted nothing vnexpounded, 
wherby he that is anything exercised in the Scriptures 
of God, might iustely complayn of hardenes : and also 
in respect of them that haue more profited in the same 
I haue explicat all suche places by the best learned inter- 
preters ; as ether were falsely expounded by some or 
els absurdely applyed by others : so that by this meanes 
both they which haue not abilitie to by the Commentaries 
upon the Newe testament, and they also which haue not 
opportunitie and leasure to reade them because of their 
prolixitie may vse this booke in stede therof, and some 
tyme wher the place is not greatly harde, I haue noted 
with this marke ", that which may serue to the edification 
of the Reader : adding also suche commone places, as 
may cause him better to take hede to the doctrine. 
Moreouer, the diuerse readings according to diuerse Greke 
copies, which stande but in one worde, may be knowen 
by this note ", and if the bookes do alter in the sentence 
then is it noted with this starre *, as the cotations are. 
Last of all remayne the arguments, aswel they which 
conteyne the summe of euery chapter, as the other 
which are placed before the bookes and epistles : wherof 
the commoditie is so great, that they may serue in stede 
of a Commentarie to the Reader : for many reade the 


Scriptures with myndes to proffit, but because they do 
not consider the scope and purpose wherfore the holy 
Cost so writeth and to what ende (which tiling the Argu- 
ments do faithfully expresse) they either bestowe their 
tyme without fruit, or els defraude them selues of a great 
deale which they might atteyne vnto otherwise. To the 
.intent therfore that, not onely they which are already 
aduanced in the knollage of the Scriptures, but also the 
simple and vnlearned might be forthered hereby, I haue 
so moderat them with playnenes and breuitie, that the 
verie ignorant may easely vnderstande them and beare 
them in memorie. And for this cause I haue applied 
but one argument to the foure Euangelists, chiefely for 
because that all writing of one matter, thogh by euery 
one diuersly handeled, they required no diuersitie of 
arguments. Thus in fewe wordes I haue declared as 
touching the chiefe pointes, beseching God so to inflame 
our hearts with the desire to knowe his diuine wil, that 
we may meditate in his holy worde both day and night, 
wherin he hath reueiled it, and hauing atteyned thervnto 
may so practise it in all our actions, that as we growe 
in the ripenes of our Christian age, so we may glorifie 
him more and more rendring to him eternal thankes 
and praises for his heauenly and inestimable giftes 
bestowed vpon his Churche, that all thogh Satan, Anti- 
christ, and all his ennemies rage and burste, yet are they 
not able to suppresse them, nether wil he diminishe 
them : for seing he doth not onely brydel his ennemies 
furie, but causeth them to defende and preserue his 
gifts for the vse of his Churche (as we se the Jewes, 
Christs professed ennemies preserue the olde testament 
in moste integritie) what shulde we doute of his bontiful 
liberalitie towards vs ? or why do we not rather with all 
humilitie and submission of mynde obey him, loue and 


f eare him which is God blessed for euer ? To whome with 
the Sonne and holy Gost be praise, honour & glorie. 


To our Beloved in the Lord the Brethren of 
England, Scotland, Ireland, &c., Grace, mercie, and 
peace, through Christ lesus. 

Besides the manifolde and continual benefites which 
almightie God bestoweth vpon vs, bothe corporal and 
spiritual, we are especially bounde (deare brethren) to 
giue him thankes without ceasing for his great grace and 
vnspeakable mercies, in that it hath pleased him to call 
vs vnto this meruelous light of his Gospel, and mercifully 
to regarde vs after so horrible backesliding and falling 
away from Christ to Antichrist, from light to darcknes, 
from the liuing God to dumme and dead idoles, and that 
after so cruel murther of Gods Saintes, as alas, hathe bene 
among vs, we are not altogether cast of, as were the 
Israelites, and many others for the like, or not so manifest 
wickednes, but receyued agayne to grace with moste 
euident signes and tokens of Gods especial loue and 
fauour. To the intent therefore that we may not be 
vnmyndef ul of these great mercies, but seke by all meanes 
(according to our duetie) to be thankeful for the same, 
it behoueth vs so to walke in his feare and loue, that all 
the dales of our life we may procure the glorie of his holy 
name. Now forasmuche as this thing chefely is atteyned 
by the knollage and practising of the worde of God 
(which is the light to our paths, the keye of the kingdome 
of heauen, our comfort in affliction, our shielde and 
sworde against Satan, the schoole of all wisdome, the 
glassc wherein we beholde Gods face, the testimonie of 


his fauour, and the only foode and nourishment of our 

soules) we thoght that we colde bestowe our labours & 

studie in nothing which colde be more acceptable to God 

and comfortable to his Churche then in the translating 

of the holy Scriptures into our natiue tongue : the which 

thing albeit that diuers heretofore haue indeuored to 

atchieue yet considering the infancie of those tymes and 

imperfect knollage of the tongues, in respect of this ripe 

age and cleare light which God hath now reueiled, the 

translations required greatly to be perused and reformed. 

Not that we vendicat any thing to our selues aboue the 

least of our brethren (for God knoweth with what feare 

and trembling we haue bene now, for the space of two 

yeres and more day and night occupied herein) but being 

earnestly desired, and by diuers, whose learning and 

godynes we reuerence, exhorted, and also incouraged by 

the ready willes oi suche, whose heartes God likewise 

touched, not to spare any charges for the fortherance of 

suche a benefite and fauour of God toward his Churche 

(thogh the tyme then was moste dangerous and the 

persecution sharpe and furious) we submitted our selues 

at length to their godly iudgementes, and seing the great 

oportunitie and occasions, which God presented vnto vs 

in this Churche, 1 by reason of so many godly and learned 

men ; and suche diuersities of translations in diuers 

tongues, we undertoke this great and wonderful worke 

(with all reuerence, as in the presence of God, as intreating 

the worde of God, whereunto we thinke our selues vnsuf- 

ficient) which now God according to his diuine prouidence 

and mercie hath directed to a moste prosperous end. 

And this we may with good conscience protest, that we 

haue in euery point and worde, according to the measure 

of that knollage which it pleased al mightie God to giue 

1 i.e. at Geneva. 


vs, faithfully rendred the text, and in all hard places 
moste syncerely expounded the same. For God is our 
witnes that \ve haue by all meanes indeuored to set 
forthe the puritie of the worde and right sense of the 
holy Gost for the edifying of the brethren in faith and 

Now as we haue chiefely obserued the sense, and 
laboured alwaies to restore it to all integritie, so haue 
we moste reuerently kept the proprietie of the wordes, 
considering that the Apostles who spake and wrote to 
the Gentiles in the Greke tongue, rather constrayned 
them to the liuely phrase of the Ebrewe, then entreprised 
farre by mollifying their langage to speake as the Gentils 
did. And for this and other causes we haue in many 
places reserued the Ebrewe phrases, notwithstanding 
that thei may seeme somewhat hard in their eares that 
are not wel practised and also delite in the swete sounding 
phrases of the holy Scriptures. Yet lest ether the simple 
shulde be discouraged, or the malicious haue any occasion 
of iust cauillation, seing some translations read after one 
sort, and some after another, whereas all may serue to 
good purpose and edification, we haue in the margent 
noted that diuersitie of speache or reading which may 
also seme agreable to the mynde of the holy Gost and 
propre for our langage with this marke *. 

Agayne where as the Ebrewe speache semed hardly 
to agre with ours, we haue noted it, in the margent after 
this sort ", vsing that which was more intelligible. And 
albeit that many of the Ebrewe names be altered from 
the olde text, and restored to the true writing and first 
original, whereof thei haue their signification, yet in 
the vsual names litle is changed for feare of troubling 
the simple readers. Moreouer whereas the necessitie of 
the sentence required any thing to be added (for suche 


is the grace and proprietie of the Ebrewe and Greke 
tongues, that it can not but ether by circumlocution, or 
by adding the verbe or some worde be vnderstand of 
them that are not wel practised therein) we haue put it 
in the text with another kynde of lettre, that it may 
easely be discerned from the common lettre . As touching 
the diuision of the verses, we haue followed the Ebrewe 
examples, which have so euen from the begynning dis- 
tinct them. \Miich thing as it is moste profitable for 
memorie : so doeth it agre with the best translations, 
and is moste easie to finde out both by the best Concor- 
dances, and also by the cotations which we haue dily- 
gently herein perused and set forthe by this starre *. 
Besides this, the principal matters are noted and dis- 
tincted by this marke l |f. Yea and the argumentes 
bothe for the booke and for the chapters with the 
numbre of the verse are added, that by all meanes the 
reader might be holpen. For the which cause also we 
haue set ouer the head of euery page some notable worde 
or sentence which may greatly further aswel for memorie, 
as for the chief point of the page. And considering how 
hard a thing it is to vnderstand the holy Scriptures, 
and what errors, sectes and heresies growe dailie for 
lacke of the true knollage thereof, and how many are 
discouraged (as thei pretend) because thei can not atteine 
to the true and simple meaning of the same, we haue also 
indeuored bothe by the diligent reading of the best 
commentaries, and also by the conference with the godly 
and learned brethren, to gather brief annotations vpon 
all the hard places, aswel for the vnderstanding of suche 
wordes as are obscure, and for the declaration of the text, 
as for the application of the same as may most apperteine 
to Gods glorie and the edification of his Churche. Forther- 
more whereas certeyne places in the bookes of Moses, of 


the Kings and Ezekiel semed so darke that by no descrip- 
tion thei colde be made easie to the simple reader, we 
haue so set them forthe with figures and notes for the 
ful declaration thereof, that thei which can not by 
iudgement, being holpen by the annotations noted by 
the letters a b c. &c. atteyn therevnto, yet by the per- 
spectiue, and as it were by the eye may sufficiently knowe 
the true meaning of all suche places. Wherevnto also 
we haue added certeyne mappes of Cosmographie which 
necessarely serue for the perfect vnderstanding and 
memorie of diuers places and countreys, partely described, 
and partely by occasion touched, bothe in the olde and 
newe Testament. Finally that nothing might lacke 
which might be boght by labors, for the increase of 
knowlage and fortherance of Gods glorie, \ve haue 
adjoyned two moste profitable tables, the one seruing 
for the interpretation of the Ebrewe names : and the 
other conteyning all the chefe and principal matters of 
the whole Bible : so that nothing (as we trust) that any 
colde iustely desire, is omitted. Therefore, as brethren 
that are partakers of the same hope and saluation with 
vs, we beseche you, that this riche perle and inestimable 
treasure may not be offred in vayne, but as sent from 
God to the people of God, for the increase of his kingdome, 
the comfort of his Churche, and discharge of our con- 
science, whome it hath pleased him to raise vp for this 
purpose, so you wolde willingly receyue the worde of 
God, earnestly studie it, and in all your life practise it, 
that you may now appeare in dede to be the people of 
God, not walking any more according to this worlde, 
but in the frutes of the Spirit, that God in vs may be 
fully glorified through Christ lesus our Lord, who 
lyueth and reigneth for euer. Amen. From Geneua, 
10 April. 1560. 



Printed from the original, Patent Roll, 3 Elizabeth, part 13 
(34), i. 

Elizabeth by the grace of god, &c., To all maner of 
printers booke-sellers and other our officers ministers 
and subiectes greating. We do youe to understande 
that of our grace especiall. We haue graunted and 
geven priuiledge and licence and by thes presentes for 
us our heires and successors do graunte and geue priuilege 
and lycence vnto our welbeloued subiecte John Bodeleigh 
and his assignes for terme of seven yeares next ensuyng 
the date of thes our lettres patent to imprint or cause 
to be emprinted the Inglysshe bible with annotacions 
faithfully translated and fynished in thes present yeare 
of our lord god a thousand fyve hundreth and tlirescore, 
and dedicated to vs. straightly forbidding and com- 
manding by thes presentes all and singuler our subiectes 
aswell printers as bokesellers as all other person within 
our Realmes and dominions whatsoever they be, in anie 
maner to imprint or cause to be emprinted anie of the 
forseid englisshe bibles that the said John Bodeleigh 
shal by auctoritie of this our licence imprint or cause 
to be emprinted or any parte of them, but onely the said 
John Bodeleigh and his assignes vpon payne of our high 
Indignacion and displeasure, And that euery offender 
theren shall forfeit to our vse fortie shillinges of lawfull 
money of Englond for euery suche bible or bibles at 
anie tyme so imprinted contrary to the true meanyng 
of this our presente licence and priuilege, ouer and besides 


all suche booke or bookes so imprinted to be iorfeited 
to whom soeuer shall susteyne the charges and sue the 
said forfeiture on our behalf. Prouided that the bible 
to be emprinted may be so ordered in the edicion thereof 
as may be seme expedient by the aduise of our trusty and 
welbeloued the bisshopps of Canterbory and London, 1 
In witnes whereof &c. Witnes the quene at Westminster 
the viij day of Januarye. 2 per breue de priuato sigillo. 


From British Museum, Lansdowne MS. viii. Art. 82 [p. 205]. 

Being enformed by this berer John Bodleygh that 
vppon his late sute to you for the renewing of his privilege 
with longer tearme, 1 for the reimprintinge of the late 
Geneva Bible by him and his associates sett foorthe, 
you suspended to give your furderaunce vntill you had 
hearde owre advise. So it is that we thinke so well of 
the first impression, and reviewe of those whiche have 
sithens travailed therm, that we wishe it wold please 
you to be a meane that twelve yeres longer tearme maye 

1 In the absence of any other explanation of the failure of 
John Bodley to make any use of this licence it seems reasonable 
to attribute it to this clause, which enabled the Archbishop of 
Canterbury and Bishop of London to make any conditions, such 
as the omission of notes which they considered objectionable, 
that they might please. 

8 The year being reckoned from Lady Day, the date January 8 
[1561] would be the same year as that in which the Geneva Bible 
was printed (1560). 

1 Over four of the seven years for which Bodley had obtained 
a privilege had now elapsed, and he clearly wanted to keep his 
rights alive in the hope of being able to come to terms with the 


he by special I privilege graunted him, in consideracion 
of the charges by him and his associates in the first 
impression, and the reviewe sithens susteyned. 2 For 
thoughe one other speciall bible for the churches be 
meant by vs to be set forthe as convenient tyme and 
leysor hereafter will permytte : yet shall it nothing 
hindre but rather do moche good to have diversitie of 
translacions and readinges. And if his licence, herafter 
to be made, goe simplye foorthe without proviso of our 
oversight as we thinke it maye so passe well ynoughe, 3 
yet shall we take suche ordre in writing withe the partie, 
that no impression shall passe but by owr direcion, 
consent, and advise. Thus ending we commende you 
to Allmightie god. From Lambethe this ixth of Marche 


Yor in Christe, 

Matthue Cantuar 

Edm. London. 4 

2 This suggests that the Geneva Bible had been revised, at 
Bodley's expense, in the hope of meeting the Archbishop's 

* i. e. the clause in the original privilege ' Prouided that the 
bible to be emprmted may be so ordered in the edicion thereof 
as may seme expedient by the aduise of our trusty and wel- 
beloued the bisshopps of Canterbory and London ' might be 
omitted a concession, perhaps to Puritan feelings, which Parker 
owing to the strength of his position could afford to make. 

* Addressed : * To the honorable Sir William Cecill knight prin- 
cipall Secretarie to the Quenes Maiestie ' ; endorsed : ' 9 Martii 
1565. Aichb. of Cantuar & B. of Lond. for John Bodlegh for 
printing of the Geneva bible.' 




From the original m the Record Olficc (Domestic State Pape^, 
Elizabeth, vol. xxi, Article 18). 

A nother thing ther is worthy to be consydered, the 
translation of the bible to be committed to mete men 
and to be vewed oner and amended. I called apon it 
in bothe my masters tymes sed frustra. Yet god be 
praised, ye haue men liable to do it thoroughly. Thus 
muche I signifie to you because god hath apoynted you 
a speciall instrumente to the furtheraunce of his heavenly 
truthe, vnder so gratiouse a soverayn, who I trust doth 
not mislyke the apologie 


From Downham the xix of January 1561. 

Your hartyly assured 

Richarde Ely. 1 


From the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers, 
Elizabeth, vol. xli, Article 33). 

Sir I haue destributed the bible in partes to dyuerse 
men, I am desierus yf ye coud spare so moche leysur 
eyther in mornyng or evenyng : we had one epistle of 

1 Addressed : ' To the most honorable Sir William Cecill knight 
Secretary to the Quenes maiestie ' ; endorsed in two hands. 
19 Januar. B. of Ely & my master. In commendacion of Apologia 
[pro] Ecclesia Anglicana. 1561.' 


S, Paul or peter, or Jamys of your pervsinge to thentent 
that ye maye be one of the buylders of this good worke 
in christes churche, although otherwise we account youe 
a comon paterne to christes blessed word & religion, thus 
God kepe your honor in helthe, from my house this xxvj 
of novembre 

Your honors 

Matth. Cant. 1 


From the Life and Acts of Matthew Parker. By John Strype, 
Oxford, 1821, vol. i, pp. 415-17. 

Edwin, Bishop of Worcester, who, as he was an 
excellent preacher, so a man well skilled in the original 
languages, was one of the Bishops appointed to this 
work. His part being finished, he sent it back to the 
Archbishop, with his letter dated from Worcester, 
Feb. 6. Which, because it may give us some light into 
this good design, I will here set down. 

* My duty remembered ; According to your Grace's 
letter of instruction, I have perused the book you sent 
me, and with good diligence : having also, in conference 
with some other, considered of the same, in such sort, 
I trust, as your Grace will not mislike of. I have sent 
up with it my Clerk, whose hand I used in writing forth 
the corrections and marginal notes. When it shall 
please your Grace to set over the Book to be viewed by 
some one of your Chaplains, my said Clerk shall attend 
a day or two, to make it plain unto him, how my notes 
are to be placed. 

1 Addressed : ' To ye right honorable Sir W, Cecill principal 
Secretary to the Queens Maiestie ' ; endorsed : ' 26 Novembre 
1 566. Archb. of Cantuar to my master. Translacion of ye Bible. ' 


' In mine opinion, 3'our Grace shall do well to make 
the whole Bible to be diligently surveyed by some well 
learned, before it be put to print ; and also to have 
skilful and diligent correctors at the printing of it, that 
it may be done in such perfection, that the adversaries 
can have no occasion to quarrel with it. Which thing 
will require a time. Sed sat cito, si sat bene. The setters 
forth of this our common translation followed Munster l 
too much, who doubtless was a very negligent man 
in his doings, and often swerved very much from the 

' Thus, trusting that your Grace will take in good part 
my trifles, wherein wanted no good will, I commend the 
same to the grace of Almighty God. From my house at 

' Your Grace's in Christ at commandment, 

' Ed. Wigorn.' 

And in another letter, the same pious Bishop put the 
Archbishop in mind of this .great work, to proceed 
earnestly forward in it. ' Your Grace,' said he, ' should 
much benefit the Church, in hastening forward the Bible 
which you have in hand : those that we have be not only 
false printed, but also give great offence to many, by 
reason of the depravity in reading.' 

To Guest, Bishop of Rochester, the Archbishop sent 
the Book of Psalms to revise : and he sent it back again 
with his notes and advertisements, as the Bishop of 
Worcester had done. In his letter to the Archbishop he 
said, ' he had not altered the translation but where it 
gave occasion of an error. As at the first Psalm, at the 

1 i.e. Sebastian Munster, the author of a new Latin version 
of the Old Testament, first printed at Basel, 1534-5- 



beginning, I turn the preterperfect tense into the present 
tense : because the sense is too harsh in the preterperfect 
tense. Where in the New Testament one piece of a 
Psalm is reported, I translate it in the Psalms according 
to the translation thereof in the New Testament, for the 
avoiding of the offence that may rise to the people upon 
divers translations. 2 Where two great letters be joined 
together, or where one great letter is twice put, it signi- 
fieth that both the sentences or the words be expounded 

To Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, the Archbishop 
sent another part of the Bible, to make his notes and 
advertisements upon. Who wrote back to the Arch- 
bishop, that he would travail therein with such diligence 
and expedition as he might. 

Davies, Bishop of St. David's, had another portion. 
And he wrote to the Archbishop that he was in hand with 
that part of the Bible he sent him. And again, not long 
after, in the year 1566, he wrote the Archbishop, that 
he would finish it with as much speed as he could ; and 
that he bestowed, for his performance of the same, all 
such time as he could spare. 

This Bishop was now very busy in translating the 
Bible into Welsh, together with William Salisbury, 
Bishop of Man, a man very learned in the British anti- 

This business in correcting the former translation of 
the Bible, went forward along the next year 1566. Cox, 
Bishop of Ely, who seems to have had another part of the 
holy Scripture committed to him, in a letter dated 
May 3, 1566, had these words concerning this noble 

a Probably because these views did not commend themselves 
to Parker, Bishop Guest's work seems not to have been used. 
See Introduction, p. 31. 


work : ' I trust your Grace is well forward with the 
Bible by this time. I perceive the greatest burden will 
lie upon your neck, touching care and travail. I would 
wish that such usual words as we English people be 
acquainted with might still remain in their form and 
sound, so far forth as the Hebrew will well bear ; ink-horn 
terms to be avoided. The translation of the verbs in 
the Psalms to be used uniformly in one tense, &c. And 
if ye translate bonitas or misericordia, to use it likewise 
in all places of the Psalms, &c. God send this good 
travail a blessed success.' 


From the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers, 
Elizabeth, vol. xlvn, No 78 J. 1 

Salutem in Christo. Sir I have receyved your lettres, 
and shall performe that yowe desier, concerning Mr. 
Welles when he cometh to me or any of his factors, I here 
his knowledge and honesty e to be well reported. Sir, 
after much toyle of the Printer and sum Labors taken 
of sum parties for the setting owte and Recognising of 
the Englishe bible, we be nowe come to a conclusion for 
the substance of the booke. Sum ornamentes of the 
same 2 be yet lacking, prayeng your Honor to beare in 
pacience till yt be fully reedy. I do meane by gods 

1 Addressed : ' To the right honorable Sir William Cicell knight 
Principall Secretarye to the Quenes maiestie. At the Cowrte ; 
endorsed : ' 22 Septembre 1568. Tharchbishop of Canterbury 
to my Master. Bible.' 

a Almost certainly the engraved title-page and portraits ol 
Leicester and Cecil (now Lord Burghley), which would be printed 
by a separate impression. 

U 2 


grace, yf my health will serve me better than yt is at 
this tyme, to present the Queries highnes with the first, 
as sone as I can here her Maiestie to be come to Hampton 
Courte which we here will be \\ithin eight or nyne dayes. 
Which god prosper, and sent to your honor grace and 
health as I wishe to my selfe. From my howse at 
Lambith, this xxij of September 

Your Honors loving Frende 
Matth. Cant. 



From the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers , 
Elizabeth, vol. xlviii, 6). 1 

Sir after my right hartie Comendacions, I was in 
purpose to have offred to the Quenes highnes the first 
fruites of our Labors in the recognising the Bible, But 
I feale my health to be such, that as yet I dare not 
adventure. Whervppon for that I wold not have the 
Queens highnes and your honor to be long delayed, nor 
the poore printer after his great charges to be longer 
deferred, I have caused one booke to be bound as you 
see which I hartelye pray yow to present favorablie to 
the Queens Maiestie, with your frendlie excuse of my 

1 Addressed : ' To the right honorable Sir William Cecyll 
knight principall Secretary to the Queen's maiestie and one of 
hir prevy counseyle be it deliuered ' ; endorsed : ' 5 October 
1568, Archb. of Canterbury to my master with the bible newly 
sett forth/ 


disabylitie, in not coming my self. I haue also wrytten 
to the Queens Maiestie, the Copie wherof I have sent yow 
the rather to vse your oportunitie of deliuerie, yf your 
Prudence shall not think them tolerable. And bicause 
I wold yow knewe all, I here send yow a note to signifie : 
who first travelled in the diuerse bookes, though after 
them sum other perusing was had, the lettres of their 
names be partlie affixed in the ende of their bookes, 
Which I thought a polecie to showe them, to make them 
more diligent, as Awnswerable for their doinges. I have 
remembred yow of such observacions as my first lettres 
sent to them (by your advise) did signifie. Yt may be 
that in so long a worke thinges have scaped which may 
be Lawful! to euerie man cum bona venia to amend whan 
they find them non omnia possumus omnes. The 
Printer hath honestlie done his diligence, yf your honor 
wold obteine of the Queens highnes, that the edicion 
might be Licensed and only comended in publike reading 
in Churches, to drawe to one vniformitie, yt weare no 
greate cost to the most parishes and a Relief to him for 
his great charges susteined. The Psalters might remayn 
in Queres as they be much multiplied but wher of ther 
owne accord they wold vse this Translation. 2 Sir, 
I pray your honor be a meane that Jug only may have 
the preferment of this edicion, 3 for yf any other shuld 
Lurche him to steale from him thes copies, 4 he weare 

2 i. e. Churches which had bought Psalters of the Great Bible 
version for use in choir were not to be put to the expense of 
buying new ones of the Bishops 1 version. In the second edition 
(1572) the hold which the Psalter of the Great Bible had estab- 
lished was further recognized by that version being printed as 
well as the newer one, and it has continued the liturgical psalter 
unto this day. 

3 ' edition ' seems here used in the sense of ' version '. 
1 i. e. copyrights. 


a great Loser in this first doing, 5 And Sir without doubt 
he hath well deserved to be preferred. A man wold not 
thinke that he had devoured so much payne as he hath 
susteined. Thus I wish your honor all grace vertue and 
helthe as to my self. From my house at Lambith this 
fifth of October. 

Your Honors loving Frend 

Matthue Cantuar. 


Printed from the original in the Record Office (Domestic State 
Papers t Elizabeth, vol. xlviii, 6, I). 

After iny most Lowlie submission to your Maiestie, 
\\ith my hartie reioyce of your prosperous progresse and 
retorne, pleaseth yt your highnes to accept in good parte, 
the endevor and diligence, of sum of vs your chapleins, 
my brethren the Bisshoppes, with other certaine Learned 
men, in this newe edicion of the bible, I trust by com- 
parisone of divers translacions put forth in your realme 
will apeare as well the workemanshippe of the printer, as 
the Circumspection of all such as have traveled in the 
recognition. Amonge divers observations which have 
bin regarded in this recognition one was, not to make yt 
vaiyc much from that translacion which was comonlye 
vsed by Publike order, except wher eyther the verytie 
of the'hebrue & greke moved alteration, or wher the 
text was by sum negligence mutilated from the originall. 
So that I trust your Loving subiectes shall se good 
cause in your Maiesties dayes to thanke god, and to 
reioyce, to see this his treasor of his holy worde, so set 
oute, as maybe proved (So farforth as mortall mans 
knowledge can attaine to, or as farforth as god hath 
8 The word ' translacion ' has been struck out before ' doing '. 


hitherto revealed) to be faithfully handeled in the 
vulgar tonge, besechinge your highnes, that yt may have 
your gracious favor, License and proteccion to le 
com[un]icated abrode, aswell for that in many Churches 
they want their bookes, and have longe tyme loked for 
this : as for that in certaine places be publikely vsed 
sum translations which have not byn Labored in your 
Realme having inspersed diverse preiudicall notis which 
might have ben also well spared. 1 I have byn bolde in 
the forniture with fewe wordes to expresse the incom- 
perable valewe of this Treasor amonge many thinges 
good profitable and bewtifull, ye have in possession, yet 
this only necessarie, whereof so to thinke, and so to 
beleve, maketh your Maiestie blessed, not only here in 
this your goxiernance, but yt shall advance your maiestie 
to attaine at the last the blisse everlastinge, which after 
a longe prosperous raigne over vs, Almightie god send 
yow, as certainelie he will, for cherishinge that Juell 
which he loveth best, of which is pronounced that 
Quomodocumque Celum et terra transibunt verbum 
tamen domini manebit in eternum. God preserve your 
highnes in all grace and felicitie. 


Printed from the original in the Record Office (Domestic State 
Papers, Elizabeth, vol. xlviii, 6, II). 

The sum of the scripture 
The Tables of Christes line 
The argument of the scriptures 

The first Preface into the whole Bible 

M. Cant. 

The Preface into the psalter 

The preface into the new Testament 

1 The allusion is of course to the Geneva Bible. 
1 See Introduction, p. 30. 


Genesis ) n , ~ , 
_ M. Cant. 

Exodus j 

Leviticus j 

XT > Cantuanc. 

Numerus J 

Deuteronomius. W. Exon. 
Josue \ 

ju cum i jjeneuen. 

Regum i, 2 J 
Regum 3, 4 ) 
Paralipomena i, 2 }Ed.Wigorn. 

Proverbial Cantuarie ' 

Ecclesiastes \ 
Cantica ( 
Susanna _ 

Baruc ^ 

Maccabeorum j 




Hierimias R. Winton. 


Ezechiel ) , T . . r 

Daniel } J- L ^- & Covent. 


Minores ) 


Marcus J 

Lucas i Ed . Peterb . 



Acta Apostolorum ) ,-,. 

A , -o r R- Ehensis. 

Ad. Romanes ) 

1 epistola Corin. D. Westmon. 

2 epistola Corin. 
Ad Gallathas 
Ad Ephesios 
Ad Philepenses 

Ad Collossenses , 

Ad Thessalonicenses h M ' Unt ' 

Ad Timothium 

Ad Titum 

Ad Philemonem 

Ad Hebreos 

Epistolae Canonicae i N> 

Apocalipsis I 

Observations respected of the Translators 

Firste to followe the Commune Englishe Translacion. 
vsed in the Churches and not to receed from yt but 
wher yt varieth manifestlye from the Hebrue or Greke 

Item to vse such sections and devisions in the Textes 
as Pagnine in his Translacion vseth, & for the veritie of 
the Hebrue to followe the said Pagnine and Munster 
specially, And generally others learned in the tonges. 

Item to make no bitter notis vppon any text, or yet 
to set downe any determinacion in places of con- 

Item to note such Chapters and places as conteineth 
matter of Genealogies or other such places not edefieng, 
with some strike or note that the Reader may eschue 
them in his publike readinge. 


Item that all such wordes as soundeth in the Olde 
Translation to any offence of Lightnes or obscenitie be 
expressed with more convenient termes and phrases. 

The printer hath bestowed his thickest Paper in the 
newe Testament bicause yt shalbe most occupied. 



From Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen, by 
T. F. Knox. 1882, p. 52 sqq. 

Singulis diebus Dominicis et festis habentur conciones 
anglicae a provectioribus ad evangelium, epistolam vel 
historian! diei propriam, ubi inflammantur omnium 
animi ad pietatem in Deum et ad zelum in Angliam 
a schismate in viam salutis revocandum. Id autem 
anglice facimus ut vernaculae linguae facultatem ma- 
jorem et gratiam, qua haeretici mire sibi placent et 
insigniter aliis simplicioribus nocent, assequamur. In 
quo genere vel imperiti alioquin haeretici multis doc- 
tioribus catholicis saepe praestant, quod hi in academiis 
et scholis educati non habent fere Scripturae textum nee 
allegant nisi latinum, quern cum pro concione indocta 
coguntur mox in vulgarem linguam vertere, quia statim 
alicujus versionis vulgaris verba non sunt, saepe parum 
accommodate et non sine ingrata haesitatione trans- 
ferunt ; ubi adversarii ad unguem tenent ex haeretica 
aliqua versione omnia Scripturae loca quae pro ipsis 
facere videantur, et quadam composita fraude ac mu- 
tatione sacrorum verborum efficiunt tandem ut nihil 


loqui videantur nisi ex Bibliis. Cui malo utrinque 
mederi possit, si et nos haberemus aliquam catholicam 
versionem Bibliorum ; omnes enim anglicae versiones 
sunt corrupt issimae. Quales in Belgio vestro habeatis 
nescio ; certe nos si sua Sanctitas faciendum judicabit, 
id etiam agemus ut fideliter, pure et genuine secundum 
approbatam ecclesiae editionem Biblia vertantur ; cum 
ad hanc rein viros jam habeamus aptissimos. Licet 
enim optandum esset fortasse ut nunquam in barbaras 
linguas Scripturae verterentur, tamen cum tanta sit 
hodie vel ex haeresi vel aliunde curiositas hominum etiam 
non malorum, et saepe etiam propter confutationem 
adversarioruin legendi necessitas, satius est ut fidelem 
et catholicam habeant translationem, quam ut cum peri- 
culo aut ad perditionem utantur corrupta ; praesertim 
cum periculis ex difficiliorum quorundam locorum lectione 
commodis quibusdam annotationibus occurri possit. 


From First and Second Diaries of the English College at Douay. 
By T. F. Knox. 1878, p. xl. 

On every Sunday and festival English sermons are 
preached by the more advanced students on the gospel, 
epistle, or subject proper to the day. These discourses 
are calculated to inflame the hearts of all with piety 
towards God and zeal for the bringing back of England 
from schism to the path of salvation. We preach in 
English, in order to acquire greater power and grace in 
the use of the vulgar tongue, a thing on which the heretics 
plume themselves exceedingly, and by which they do great 
injury to the simple folk. In this respect the heretics, 
however ignorant they may be in other points, have the 
advantage over many of the more learned catholics, who 


having been educated in the universities and the schools 
do not commonly have at command the text of Scripture 
or quote it except in Latin. Hence when they are 
preaching to the unlearned, and are obliged on the spur 
of the moment to translate some passage which they 
have quoted into the vulgar tongue, they often do it 
inaccurately and with unpleasant hesitation, because 
either there is no English version of the words or it does 
not then and there occur to them. Our adversaries on 
the other hand have at their fingers' ends all those 
passages of Scripture which seem to make for them, and 
by a certain deceptive adaptation and alteration of the 
sacred words produce the effect of appearing to say 
nothing but what comes from the bible. This evil 
might be remedied if we too had some catholic version 
of the bible, for all the English versions are most corrupt. 
I do not know what kind you have in Belgium. But 
certainly we on our part, if his Holiness shall think 
proper, will undertake to produce a faithful, pure and 
genuine version of the bible, in accordance with the 
edition approved by the Church, for we already have 
men most fitted for the work. Perhaps indeed it would 
have been more desirable that the Scriptures had never 
been translated into barbarous tongues ; nevertheless at 
the present day, when either from heresy or other causes, 
the curiosity of men, even of those who are not bad, is 
so great, and there is often such need of reading the 
Scriptures in order to confute our opponents, it is better 
that there should be a faithful and catholic translation 
than that men should use a corrupt version to their peril 
or destruction ; the more so since the dangers which 
arise from reading certain more difficult passages may 
be obviated by suitable notes. 



From the copy in the British Museum. 
The Preface to the Reader treating of these three 
points : of the translation of Holy Scriptures into 
the vulgar tongues, and namely into English ; of 
the causes why this new Testament is translated 
according to the auncient vulgar Latin text : & of 
the maner of translating the same. 

The holy Bible long since 1 translated by vs into 
English, and the old Testament lying by vs for lacke of 
good meanes to publish the whole 2 in such sort as 
a worke of so great charge and importance requireth : 
we have yet through Gods goodnes at length fully 
finished for thee (most Christian reader) all the NEW 
TESTAMENT, which is the principal, most profitable & 
comfortable peece of holy writte : and, as wel for all 
other institution of life and doctrine, as specially for 
deciding the doubtes of these daies, more propre and 
pregnant then the other part not yet printed. 

Which translation we doe not for all that publish, vpon 
erroneous opinion of necessitie, that 

the holy Scriptures should alwaies be 

in our mother tonge, or that they thevulgaxtongues, 

ought, or were ordained by God, to cessari^orprofit- 

be read indifferently of all, or could be able, but according 

., i , i f , i , to the time* 
easily vnderstood of euery one that 

readeth or heareth them in a knowen language : or 
that they were not often through mans malice or 

1 According to the College Diaries it was begun on or about 
March 16, 1578, and finished in March 1582. 
8 The Old Testament was not printed until 1609. 


infirmitie, pernicious and much hurtful to many : 
or that we generally and absolutely deemed it more 
conuenient in it self, & more agreable to Gods word 
and honour or edification of the faithful, to haue them 
turned into vulgar tonges, then to be kept & studied 
only in the Ecclesiastical learned languages : Not for 
these nor any such like causes doe we translate this 
sacred booke, but vpon special consideration of the 
present time, state, and condition of our countrie, vnto 
which, diuers thinges are either necessarie, or profitable 
and medicinable now, that otherwise in the peace of the 
Clnarch were neither much requisite, nor perchance wholy 
tolerable. . . . 

[b. iij recto] 

Now TO GIVE thee also intelligence in particular, most 
Manycauseswhy S entle Reader, of such thinges as it 
this new Testa- behoueth thee specially to know con- 
SJ^tof cerningour Translation: We translate 
auncient vulgar the old vulgar Latin text, not the 
Latin text. common Greeke text, for these causes. 

It is most aim- I - ^ * s so auncient, that it was vsed 
cient. in the Church of God aboue 1300 yeres 

agoe, as appeareth by the fathers of those times. 

Corrected by S. 2 - ^ * s that (by the common re- 
Hierom. ceiued opinion and by all probabilitie) 

which S. Hierom. afterward corrected according to the 
Greeke, by the appointment of Damasus then Pope, as 
he maketh mention in his preface before the foure 
Euangelistes, vnto the said Damasus : and in Catalogo 
in fine, and ep. 102. 

Commended by 3- Consequently it is the same 
S. Augustine. which S. Augustine so commendeth 

and alloweth in an Epistle to S. Hierom. 8 
3 Note : Ep. 10. 


4. It is that, which for the most part euer since hath 
been vsed in the Churches sendee, ex- Vsed d ex 
pounded in sermons, alleaged and in- pounded by the 
terpreted in the Commentaries and fathers - 
writings of the auncient fathers of the Latin Church. 

5. The holy Councel of Trent, for Qnly authentl _ 
these and many other important con- cated by the holy 
siderations, hath declared * and defined Councel of Trent - 
this onely of al other latin translations, to be authentical, 
and so onely to be vsed and taken in publike lessons, dis- 
putations, preachings, and expositions, and that no man 
presume upon any pretence to reiect or refuse the same. 

6. It is the grauest, sincerest, of Most graue, least 
greatest maiestie, least partialitie, as partial. 

being without al respect of controuersies and conten- 
tions, specially these of our time ; as appeareth by those 
places which Erasmus and others at this day translate 
much more to the aduantage of the Catholike cause. 

7. It is so exact and precise accord- Preciseinfollow- 
ing to the Greeke, both the phrase and ing the Greek, 
the word, that delicate Heretikes therfore reprehend it 
of rudenes. And that it followeth the Greeke far more 
exactly then the Protestants translations, beside in- 
finite other places, we appeale to these. Tit. 3. 14. 
Cuvent bonis operibus praeesse, Trpoicrrao-daL Eng. bib. 
1577 t mainline good workes, and Hebr. 10. 20. Viam 
nobis initiamt, cve/caii/co-ey. English bib. be prepared. 
So ki these wordes, lustificationes, Traditiones, Idola &c. 
In al which they come not neere the Greeke, but auoid it 
of purpose. 

8. The Aduersaries them selues, Preferred by 
namely Beza, preferre it before al the Beza himself, 
rest. In praefat. no. Test, an 1556. And againe he saith, 

4 Note : Sess. 4. 


that the old Interpreter translated very religiously. 
Annot. in i. Luc. v. i. 

9. In the rest, there is such diuersitie and dissension, 
and no end of reprehending one an other, and translating 
euery man according to his fantasie, that Luther 5 said, 
If the world should stand any long time, we must receiue 

Al the rest mis- againe (which he thought absurd) the 

liked of the Sec- Decrees of Councels, for preseruing the 
tanes themselues. ... - . ... , f ... . 

eche reprehending vmtie of faith, because of so diuers in- 

another. terpretations of the Scripture. And 

Beza (in the place aboue mentioned) noteth the itching 
ambition of his fellow-translators, that had much rather 
disagree and dissent from the best, then seeme them 
selues to haue said or written nothing. And Bezas 
translation it self, being so esteemed in our countrie, 
that the Geneua 6 English Testament be translated 
according to the same, yet sometime goeth so wide from 
the Greeke, and from the meaning of the holy Ghost, 
that them selues which protest to translate it, dare not 
folow it. For example, Luc. 3. 36. They haue put these 
wordes, The sonne of Cainan, which he wittingly and 
wilfully left out ;. and Act. i. 14, they say, With the 
women, agreably to the vulgar Latin : where he saith. 
Cum vxoribus, with their wiues. 

It is truer than ' I0 ' ** is not onel y better then al 
the vulgar Greek other Latin translations, but then 
textitselfe. ^ Qreeke text j t ^ ^ those 

places where they disagree. 

[c iii recto :] 

IN THIS OUR TRANSLATION, because we wish it to 
be most sincere, as becometh a Catholike translation, 

6 Note : Cochla. c. cano, Script, authoritate. 

6 Note : The new Test, printed the yere 1580 in the title. 


and have endeuoured so to make it ; we are very precise 
& religious in Mowing our copie, the old vulgar ap- 
proued Latin : not onely in sense, which we hope we 
alwaies doe, but sometime in the very wordes also and 
phrases, which may seeme to the vulgar Reader & to 
common English eares not yet acquainted therewith, 
rudenesse or ignorance : but to the discrete Reader that 
deepely weigheth and considereth the importance of 
sacred wordes and speaches, and how easily the volun- 
tarie Translatour may misse the true sense of the Holy 
Ghost, we doubt not but our consideration and doing 
therein, shal seerne reasonable and necessarie : yea and 
that al sortes of Catholike Readers wil in shorte time 
thinke that familiar, which at the first may seeme 
strange & wil esteeme it more, when they shal 7 other- 
wise be taught to vnderstand it, then if it were the com- 
mon knowen English. 

For example, we translate often 

,, . r A r , Certame wordes 

thus, Amen, Amen I say vnto you. no t English nor as 

Which as yet seemeth strange, but yet familiar in the 

., IM M. -i 1. -1- English tongue, 

after a while it wil be as familiar, as 

Amen in the end of al praiers and Psalmes, and euen as 
when we end with, Amen, it soundeth far better then 
So be it: so in the beginning, Amen 
Amen, must needes by vse and custom 
sound far better, then, Verily verily. Which in deede 
doth not expresse the asseueration and assurance signified 
in this Hebrue word, besides that it is the solemne and 
vsual word of our Sauiour 8 to expresse a vehement 
asseueration, and therfore is not changed, neither in the 
Syriake nor Greeke, nor vulgar Latin Testament, but is 
presented and vsed of the Euangelistes and Apostles 

7 Note : See the last Table at the end of the booke. 

8 Note : See annot. lo. c. 8. v. 34 &.Apoc. c. 19. v. 4. 



them selues, euen as Christ spake it, propter sanctwrem 
author itatem, as S. Augustine saith of this and of A llelu-ia, 
for the more holy and sacred authoritie thereof, li 2. Doct. 
Christ, c. ii. And therfore do we keepe the word 
. Alkhi-ia. Apoc. 19. as it is both in 

Greeke and Latin yea and in al the 
English translations, though in their bookes of common 
praier they translate it, Praise ye the Lord. Againe, if 
Hosama, Raca, Belial, and such like be yet vntranslated 
in the English Bibles, 9 why may not we say Corbana, 

^ and Parasceve: specially when they 

Parasceue. -. - . ,, . -. , ,, ., , , 

Englishing this later thus, the prepara- 
tion of the Sabboth put three wordes more into the text, 
then the Greeke word doth signifie. Mat. 27. 62. And 
others saying thus, After the day of preparing t make 
a cold translation and short of the sense : as if they 
should translate, Sabboth, the resting, for, Parasceve is 
as solemne a word for the Sabboth eue, as Sabboth is for 
the lewes seuenth day, and now among Christians much 
more solemner, taken for Good-friday onely. These 
wordes then we thought it far better to keepe in the text, 
and to tel their signification in the margent or in a table 
for that purpose, then to disgrace bothe the text & them 
with translating them. Such are also these wordes, 

Pasche, Azymes. TJ PaSche > Th * /" */ A ^^ The 
bread of Proposition. Which they 

translate u The Passeouer, The feast of sweete bread, The 
shew bread. But if Pentecost Act. 2. be yet vntranslated 
in their bibles, and seemeth not strange : why should 
not Pasche and Azymes so remaine also, being solemne 
feastes, as Pentecost was ? or why should they English 

9 Note : No. Test. an. 1580, Bib. an 1577. 
J0 Note : M ay. 14. v, 42. 
11 Note : Bib. 1577. Mat. 26. 17. 


one rather then the other ? specially whereas Passeouer 
at the first was as strange, as Pasche may seeme now, 
and perhaps as many now vnderstand Pasche, as Passe- 
ouer, and as for Azymes, when they English it, the feast 
of sweete bread, it is a false interpretation of the word, 
& nothing expresseth that which belongeth to the feast, 
concerning vnleauened bread. And as for their terme 
of shew bread, it is very strange and ridiculous. Againe, 
if Proselyte be a receiued word in the English bibles 
Mat. 23. Act. 2 : why may not we be bold to say, Neo- 
phyte. I. Tim. 3. ? specially when they translating it 
into English do falsely expresse the signification of the 
word thus, a yong scholer. Whereas it is a peculiar word 
to signifie them that were lately baptized, as Gate- 
chumenus, signifieth the newely instructed in faith not 
yet baptized, who is also a yong scholar rather then the 
other, and many that haue been old scholars, may be 
Neophytes by differring baptisme. And if Phylacteries be 
allowed for English Mat. 23. we hope that Didragmes 
also, Prepuce, Paraclete, and such like, wil easily grow 
to be currant and familiar. And in good sooth there is 
in al these such necessitie, that they can not conueniently 
be translated, as when S. Paul 12 saith, concisio, non 
circumcisio : how can we but folow his very wordes 
and allusion ? And how is it possible to expresse 
Euangelizo, but as we do, Euan- 

gelizel for Euangelium being the Why we say -our 
~ , , , . . Lord, not the Lord 

Gospel, what is, Euangehzo or to (but m certaine 

Evangelize, but to shew the glad tyd- ca ses) see the An- 
* j.1. r* i * -LT_ ^ * notations i. Tim. 6 

mgs of the Gospel, of the time of p agt 5 g 5> 

grace, of al Christes benefites? Al 
which signification is lost, by translating as the English 
bibles do, I bring you- good tydings. Luc, 2. 10. Therfore 
12 Note : Phil. 3. 


we say D&positum i Tim. 6. and, He exinamted him self, 
Philip. 2. and, You haue reflonshed, Philip. 4. and, to 
exhaust, Hebr. 9. 28. because we can not possibly attaine 
to expresse these wordes fully in English, and we thinke 
much better, that the reader staying at the difficultie of 
them, should take an occasion to looke in the table folow- 
ing, or otherwise to aske the ful meaning of them, then 
by putting some vsual English wordes that expresse 
them not, so to deceiue the reader. Sometime also we 
doe it for an other cause, as when we say, The aduent of 
our Lord, and Imposing of handes. because one is a 
solemne time, the other a solemne action in the Catholike 

Church : to signifie to the people, 
preceding from the ^ a ^ these and such like names come 
very text of Scrip- O ut of the very Latin text of the 

Scripture. So did Penance, doing 
penance, Chalice, Priest, Deacon, Traditions, aultar, host, 
and the like (which we exactly keepe as Catholic termes) 
procede euen from the very wordes of Scripture. 

Moreouer, we presume not in hard places to mollifie 
the speaches or phrases, but religiously keepe them 
word for word, and point for point, for feare of missing, 
Certain hard or restraining the sense of the holy 
speaches and Ghost to our phantasie, as Eph. 6. 
p ases. Against the spirituals of wickednes in 

the celestials, and What to me and thee woman ? w whereof 
see the Annotation vpon this place, and i Pet. 2. As 
infants euen now borne, reasonable, milke without guile 
desire ye, We do so place reasonable, of purpose, that it 
may be indifferent both to infants going before, as in 
our Latin text : or to milke that foloweth after, as in 
other Latin copies and in the Greeke, lo. 3. we translate, 
The spirit breatheth where he wil &c. leauing it indifferent 

10 2. 


to signifie either the holy Ghost, or winde : which the 

Protestants translating, winde, take 

,, , , b The Protestants 

away the other sense more common presumptuous 

and vsual in the auncient fathers, bpldnes and hber- 
We translate Luc 8. 23, They were iem ansa ng ' 
filled, not adding of our owne, with water to mollifie 
the sentence, as the Protestants doe, and c. 21. This 
is the chalice, the new Testament &c not, This chalice 
is the new Testament likewise Mar. 13, Those daies shal 
be such tribulation &c not as the Aduersaries, In those 
daies, both our text and theirs being otherwise, like- 
wise lac. 4. 6. And giueth greater grace, leaning it in- 
different to the Scripture, or to the holy Ghost, both 
going before. Whereas the Aduersaries to to boldly & 
presumptuously adde, saying, The Scripture giueth, tak- 
ing away the other sense, which is far more probable, 
likewise Heb. 12. 21. we translate, So terrible was it 
which was seen, Moyses said &c. neither doth Greeke or 
Latin permit vs to adde, that Moyses said, as the Pro- 
testants presume to doe, So we say, Men brethren, 
A widow woman, A woman a sister, lames of Alphaeus, 
and the like. Sometime also 14 we folow of purpose the 
Scripture phrase, as, The hel offire,^ according to Greeke 
and Latin, which we might say perhaps, the firyhel, by 
the Hebrue phrase in such speaches, but not, hel fire, as 
commonly it is translated Likewise Luc 4. 36. What 
wordis this, that in power and authoritie he commaundeth 
the vncleane spirits ? as also Luc 2. Let vs passe ouer, 
and see the word that is done. Where we might say, 
thing, by the Hebrue phrase, but there is a certaine 
maiestie and more signification in these speaches, and 
therfore both Greeke & Latin keepe them, although it is 
no more the Greeke or Latin phrase, then it is the Eng- 
14 Note : Mat. 5. w Note : Gehenna ignis. 


lish. And why should we be squamish at new wordes 
or phrases in the Scripture, which are necessarie : when 
we do easily admit and f olow new wordes coyned in court 
and in courtly or other secular writings ? 

We adde the Greeke in the margent 
The Greeke , ,. ,. , . 

added often in the for diuers causes. Sometime when the 

margent for many sense j s hard, that the learned reader 
causes. . , , . . .- , 

may consider of it and see it he can 

helpe him selfe better then by our translation as Luc. 11. 
Noiite extolli, ^ jucreoiplgccrlcu and againe, Quod 
superest date eleemosynam, ra frovra. Sometime to 
take away the ambiguitie of the Latin or English, as 
Luc. ii. Et domus supra domum cadet which we must 
needes English, and house upon house, shal fall by the 
Greeke, the sense is not, one house shal fal vpon an 
other, but, if one house rise vpon it self, that is, against 
it self, it shal perish, according as he speaketh of a king- 
dom deuided against it self, in the wordes before, And 
Act. 14. Sacerdos louis qui erat, in the Greeke, qui, is 
referred to Jupiter. Sometime to satisfie the reader 
that might otherwise conceiue the translation to be 
false, as Philip 4 v 6. But in euerything by praier, <&c. 
& ircam -jrpo<revx$ not, in al praier, as in the Latin 
it may seeme. Sometime when the Latin neither doth, 
nor can, reache to the signification of the Greeke word, 
\ve adde the Greeke also as more significant. Itti soli 
seruies him only shalt thou serue, XaT/>u<rs And 
Act. 6. Nicolas a stranger of Antioche, w/ooo-cXvros and, 
Ro. 9. The seruice, % Xarpcia and Eph i. to perfite 
instaurare omnia in Christo, dvaK<a\aiw<ratr0at And 
Wherein he hath gratified us, Ixapmoo-cv & Eph. 6. 
Put on the armour, 7rai>o7rA,iav and a number the like. 
Sometime, when the Greeke hath two senses, and 
Note : Mat, 4, 


the Latin but one, we adde the Greeke. 2. Cor. i. 
By the exhortation wherewith we also are exhorted, the 
Greeke signifieth also consolation &c. and 2. Cor. 10. 
But hatting hope of your faith increasing, to be &c. where 
the Greeke may also signifie, as or when your faith in- 
creaseth. Sometime 17 for aduantage of the Catholike 
cause, when the Greeke maketh vs more then the Latin, 
as, Seniores, Trptcrfivrepovs. Vt digni habeamint, iva 
re Qui effundetur, TO Ixxcvo/uvoi', Praecepta, wapa- 
s. & lo. 21. Troifcatvf, Pasce < rege. And sometime 
to shew the false translation of the Heretike, as when 
Beza saith Hoc poculum in meo sanguine qui, TO 

Trorfjpiov V r> at/xart TO Kp(pt;ojU,VOV LUC. 22. & Quem 

oportet coek contineri, ov Set ovpavbv Sx or ^ at Act. 3. Thus 
we vse the Greeke diuers waies, & esteeme of it as it 
is worthie, & take al commodities thereof for the better 
vnderstanding of the Latin, which being a translation, 
can not alwaies attaine to the ful sense of the principal 
tonge, as we see in al translations. 

Item we adde the Latin word some- ~, T , . , , 
. The Latin text 

time in the margent, when either we sometimes noted in 
can not fully expresse it (as Act. 8 the margent 
They tooke order for Steuens funeral, Curauerunt 
Stephanum t and, Al take not this word, Non omnes 
capiunt) or when the reader might thinke, it can not be 
as we translate, as, Luc. 8. A storme of winde descended 
into the lake, and they were filled, & complebantur, and 
lo. 5. when lesus knew that he had now a long time, quia 
iam multum tempus haberet, meaning, in his infirmitie. 

This precise folowing of our Latin text, in neither 

adding nor diminishing, is the cause why we say not 

in the title of bookes, in the first page, S. Mathew, 

S. Paul : because it is so neither in Greeke nor Latin, 

7 Note : Act. 15. 2 Thes. 2. i Cor .11. 


though in the toppes of the leaues folowing, where we 
may be bolder, we adde S. Matthew 

. J n t 1 he b?SS* in S &c to satisfie the reader. Much vnlike 
of bookes Matthew, 

Paul, &c. not S. to the Protestants our Adtiersanes, 
Matthew, S. Paul w hi c h make no scruple 18 to leaue out 
the name of Paul in the title of the 
Epistle to the Hebrues, though it be in euery Greeke 
booke which they translate. And their most authorised 
English Bibles leaue out (Catholike) in the title of 
S. lames Epistle and the rest, which were famously 
knowen in the primitiue Church by the name of Catholicae 
Epistoke, Euseb. hist. Eccl. li 2. c 22. 

Another reading Item we giue the Reader in places 
in the margent. o f some importance, an other reading 
in the margent, specially when the Greeke is agreable to 
the same, as lo. 4, transiet de morte ad vitam. Other Latin 
copies haue, transiit, and so it is in the Greeke. 

We binde not our selues to the pointes of any one 
copie, print, or edition of the vulgar Latin, in places of 
no controuersie, but folow the pointing most agreable to 
the Greeke and to the fathers commentaries. As Col. i . 10. 
Ambulantes digne Deo, per omnia placentes. Walking 

The pointing worthy of God, in al things phasing, 
sometimes altered. ^[^ ToS Kvpt ' ov fc ^^ ^ aKLaVf 

Eph. i. 17. We point this, Deus Domini nostri lesu 
Christi, pater gloriae. as in the Greeke, and S. Chrysostom, 
& S. Hierom both in text and commentaries. Which the 
Catholike reader specially must marke, lest he finde 
fault, when he seeth our translation disagree in such 
places from the pointing of his Latin Testament. 

We translate sometime the word that is in the 
Latin margent, and not that in the text, when by the 
Greeke or the fathers we see it is a manifest fault of 
18 Note : Bib. an 1579, 1580 an 1577, 1562. 


the writers heretofore, that mistooke one word for an 
other. As, In fine, not in fide, i Pet. The margent - 
3. v. 8. praesentium, not, praescien- reading sometime 
Mum, 2 Pet. i. v. 16. Heb. 13. latue- gf^. d before 
runt, not, placuerunt. 

Thus we haue endeuoured by al meanes to satisfie the 
indifferent reader, and to helpe his vnderstanding euery 
way, both in the text, and by Annotations ; and withal 
to deale most sincerely before God and man, in trans- 
lating and expounding the most sacred Text of the holy 
Testament. Fare wel good Reader, and if we profit the 
any whit by our poore paines let vs for Gods sake be 
partakers of thy deuout praiers, and together with 
humble and contrite hart call vpon our Sauiour Christ 
to cease these troubles & stormes of his derest spouse : 
in the meane time comforting our selues with this say- 
ing of S. Augustine : That Heretikes, when they receiue 
power corporally to afflict the Church, doe exercise her 
patience : but when they oppugne her onely by their euil 
doctrine or opinion, then they exercise her wisedomes. De 
ciuit. Dei li 18. ca. 51. 




Sexto die mensis junii Anno Domini 1575. Coram 
reverendo patre Domino Edwino London. Episcopo 

1 This and the next two documents and also No. LXI I owe to 
the kindness of Mr. Charles Rivington, Clerk to the Stationers' 
Company. The date of the first, just three weeks after Arch- 
bishop Parker's death, is very significant. 


ac venerabilibus viris, Roberto Monnson armiger. uno 
justiciar. domine Regine de communi banco petroOsborne 
Armiger. et John Hannon legum doctor. Commissioner 
regiis in causis ecclesiasticis et legitime ^ssignat. in 
presencia mei Willim Bedell Registrar &c. 

At which daye and place after longe hearinge and 
debatinge of the grieves and differences between the 
Stationers of London as namely then present Humfrey 
Toye Luke Harrison ffrauncis Coldock and George 
Bisshopp declaring their grieves therein on their partie, 
and Richard Jugge also Stationer hir maiesties prynter 
on the other partie, Touchinge the printinge of the Bible 
and Testament. Yt was ordered by the sayd Commis- 
sioners by assent of the parties present That from hence- 
forthe the sayd Richard Jugge only shall have without 
intermpcion the printinge of the Byble in Quarto and 
the Testament in decimo Sexto ; And all other Bibles 
in folio and Testaments (excepted as before) to be at 
the liberty of the printinge of the rest of the Stationers 
and he the said Richard Jugge also without contradiction 
of any person to have the printinge of the rest as aforesaid 

Ninth June 1575 

Whereas on the Sixth daie of this instant month of 
June yt was ordered by the Quenes maiesties Comissioner 
in Causes ecclesiasticall by assent of Richard Jugge 
Stationer hir maiesties Printer and certen other Stationers 
then present, That the said Richard Jugge onelie shall 
have without interrupcion the printinge of the byble in 
Quarto and the testament in decimo Sexto. And all 
other bibles in folio and testaments (excepted as before) 
to be at the libertie of the printinge of the rest of the 


Stationers. And he the saide Richard Jugge also without 
contradiction of any person, to have the printinge of the 
reste as aforesaid. As by the same order (a trewe copie 
whereof is before entred into this present booke) more 
plainelie maie appeare 

For good order and quietness to be had and used 
touchinge the saide Bibles and Testaments so licenced 
to be printed in comon, yt was thoughte meete and 
convenient, and also ordeined established and decreed on 
the nyneth daie of June aforesaide, by the Master Wardens 
and Assistants of the saide Arte or misterie of Stationers, 
and with the assent of all the persons here undernamed, 
That noe person or persons, at anye tyme hereafter shall 
printe or cause to be printed, any of the saide Bibles or 
Testaments ordered to be printed in comon as aforesaide 
unles he or they (which so will printe or cause to be 
printed any of the same Bibles or testaments) shall 
before the printinge thereof : as well present x every 
suche Bible and testament so to be printed, to suche of 
the master wardens and assistants of the saide arte or 
misterie as shal be noe parties nor partners to or in the 
imprintinge thereof : As also have and obteyne their 
licence foi the imprintinge of the same, to the intent that 
the same master wardens and assistants in the grauntinge 
of every suche licence, maie jnioyne and take order with 
the partie and parties to whome any suche licence shal 
be graunted, for the good and sufficient imprintinge of 
everye suche Bible & testament so to be presented as 
well with good paper and good woorkemanshippe, as 
with good correction 

And that also upon the finishinge of every impression 
of any of the saide bibles or Testaments so to be presented 
and licenced : the parties and partners of the same, shall 
1 'Exhibit,' not 'give.' 


before any of the same be putt to sale : bringe give and 
deliver one whole and perfecte booke thereof to the master 
wardens and assistants of the saide arte or misterie beinge 
noe partners therein, to the ende that they maie see and 
viewe the same if it be done woorkmanlie and orderlie 
in all poynts accordinge to the true meaninge of this 
present order and decree everie of which booke so to be 
viewed shall remaine in the saide hall to the use of 
the saide whole Companie forever 

Whereupon John Walley John Judson William Norton 
Humfrey Toye John Harrison Lucas Harrison George 
Bisshoppe Garret Dewce Richard Watkins and Frauncis 
Coldock on the saide nyneth daie of June, did present 
unto the master and wardens and others of the assistants 
of the saide arte or misterie accordinge to the saide order, 
one Englishe bible in folio of the Pica letter, a newe 
Testament in Englishe in Octavo of the longe primer 
letter, and one other Jnglishe new testament in Quarto 
of the Englishe or pica letter, And were licenced accord- 
inge to the same order, to ymprinte one impression of the 
same sevrall bookes, in folio and octavo 

And the saide Richard Jugge hath assented notwith- 
standinge that the newe Testament in Quarto (as he 
sayeth) his parcell of the bible in quarto by the saide 
order of the Comissioners is lefte to remayne to him 
alone, that the imprintinge of the saide Testament in 
Quarto shalbe likewise permitted, and by the order of 
the saide companie it is also the saide nyneth daie, so 
licenced to the parties abovesaide. And further it is like- 
wise ordered and agreed by the saide master wardens and 
assistants on the saide nynth daie of June, and the saide 
John Walley William Norton Humfrey Toye John Harrison 
Lucas Harrison George Bisshopp Garret Dewce Richard 
Watkins and Frauncis Coldock, and also John Wighte, 


for them and their assigns have hereunto submitted 
themselves, and consented and faithfullie promised to 
be contented with and to obey and observe the orders 
followinge, viz. That if any complainte or controversie 
shall at any time arise or be made or occasioned by or 
amongst any of the saide persons now licenced or here- 
after to be licenced to printe the saide bookes laste 
mentioned, or any of the saide bookes ordered to be 
printed in comon as aforesaid : or any printer, or other 
person that shall have to doe in the woorkemanshippe or 
utterance thereof, or any other person whiche the said 
persons licenced shall ioyne with them in any parte of 
the charge or proffit : for or touchinge their or any of 
their dealings or doings in the printinge utteringe or 
Sellinge of the same bookes or any of them, that then 
every person and persons, whoe shalbe occasions thereof, 
or whome it shal in any wise concerne, shall stande to 
abide obey observe and performe, suche ende order and 
determinacion, as in and for evry or any suche complainte 
or controversie, shalbe made by the master wardens 
and assistants of the saide arte or misterie beinge noe 
parties nor partners thereto as aforesaide 

And that any person or persons whiche hereafter shall 
or will accordinge to theis ordenances and decrees ymprint 
or cause to be imprinted any of the saide Bibles or 
Testaments ordered to be printed in comon as aforesaide, 
shal not at anie tyme put to sale or cause to be put to 
sale any of the same bookes, to any person or persons 
beinge not a freeman, or brother of the saide companie, 
at suche rates as maie be preiudice hurte hinderance or 
losse to the usuall and reasonable maner of Sale "by other 
Stationers that shall sell the same againe by retaile 

And that no suche person or persons as shall so printe 
or cause to be printed any suche Bible or Testament, 


shall at anye tyme after he or they shall have putt any 
of the same to Sale : by any meanes, by reason of 
scarcitie thereof when the moste of them be uttered and 
Sold, or for any other occasion, encrease and enhaunce 
or cause to be encreased or enhaunced to any freeman 
or brother of the saide companie, the firste price whiche 
he or they shall have made of the same bookes at the firste 
puttinge to sale thereof, whiche firste price to the Com- 
panie they shall cause to be entered in the hall of the 
Companie before the puttinge of any of the same bookes 
to Sale 

And moreover that evry offendor and offenders of or in 
theis present orders and decrees and other the premisses 
or any of them, from and after due proofe made of his 
or their offence, shalbe for ever barred excluded and 
amoved from printinge and beinge partner in the printinge 
of any of the said Bibles or Testaments ordered to be 
printed in comon as aforesaide ; and from havinge any 
further interest or benefit therein : And shall also 
forfeite and lose all his and their interest parte and parts 
therein, to be employed and disposed at the discrecion 
of the master wardens and assistants of the saide com- 
panie then beinge and havinge no parte in the printinge 
of the same bookes : or to be (upon reasonable con- 
sideracions) to him restored, as the saide master wardens 
and assistants with the assent of the rest of the partners 
shall think meete 

IX die Junij 1575. 

Whereas Christofer Barker citizen and Draper of 
London hathe obteyned a graunt and licence in writinge 
under the handes of seven of the Quenes maiesties 


honrable privie counsell 1 accordinge to hir highnes 
jniuntions, for the printinge of theise Twoo Bookes 
hereafter mencioned That is to saye. A Byble in 
Englishe with notes in the same which was dedicated 
unto hir maiestie in the ffirst yere of hir highnes reign 
and commenly called or knowen by the name of the 
Geneva Byble and a Testament to be translated out of 
the latin tonge into the Englishe (the Latin copie thereof 
by hir highnes privledge) belonginge to one Thomas 
Vautrolier a frenchman . And whereas hir maiesties highe 
comissioners in causes ecclesiasticall in consideracion 
of the greate charges costs and expenses which Richard 
Jugge hir Maiesties servant and printer nowe master of 
the Companie of Stationers of the Citie of London (by 
and upon comaundement) hathe susteined in the printinge 
of the Bibles and Testaments in Englishe, have licenced 
and ordered to the same Richard Jugge the only impryn- 
tinge of evrye Englishe Byble in Quarto, and of evry 
Jnglishe Testament in decimo sexto. As by a true copie 
of the same order beinge before entred into this booke 
moore at- large appearethe. For and in consideracion 
of which order and licence so made and gyven by the 
saide highe comissioners and for diverse other goode and 
reasonable causes and consideracions him the said Chris- 
tofer Barker especially movinge he the same Christofer 
in the nynth day of June in the yere of our Lord 1575 and 
in the Sevententhe yere of the reigne of our sovreign 
Ladie Quene Elizabeth about thhoure of eleven of ye 
clocke in the forenone of the same day at and within the 

1 This would not be a patent, only an ordinary copyright 
obtained in an unusually formal and dignified way. That seven 
privy councillors thus supported Barker is very significant of the 
determination that now Parker was dead the Geneva version 
should have its turn. 


said Stationers Hall in the presence of theise persons 
whose names are hereunto subscribed of his owne franke 
and free accord and good will, did gyve his hand and 
faythfull promise to the said Richard Jugge. And did 
covenaunte promise graunte and agree to and with the 
said Richard Jugge in manner and forme folowinge. That 
is to say. That he the said Christofer or any other person 
or persons by his assent meanes or procurement shall not 
at any tyme ymprint or cause to be ymprinted any maner 
of Englishe Testament in XVI or any Englishe Byble in 
Quarto, or in any other volume or volumes whatsoever 
which shall or may be hurtfull or preiudiciall unto ye 
said Richard Jugge for or concerninge ye printinge 
utteringe or sellinge of any Byble in Quarto or any 
Testament in Decimo Sexto. And that he the said 
Richard Jugge shall and may have and enioye to his owne 
use the onely ymprintinge utteringe and sellinge of all 
Jnglishe Bybles in Quarto and of all Englishe Testaments 
in Decimo Sexto at all tymes without resistance hurt 
preiudice or interrupcion therein or thereto to be made 
done caused or procured in any wise by the said Christofer 
or any other by his assent meanes or procurement. And 
further that yf the said Christofer or his assignes shall 
at any tyme be comaunded by or from the Quenes 
maiestie or hir counsell or by any comissioner or comis- 
sioners in causes Ecclesiasticall or by any other person or 
persons authorised by hir highnes : to ymprint any 
Englishe Testament in XVIt or any Englishe Byble in 
the volume called quarto, or in any other volume or size 
which may be hurtfull or preiudiciall to the said Richard 
Jugge as aforesaide. That then he the said Christofer 
Barker and his assignes mediately upon any suche 
comaundement to him or them gyven shall thereof gyve 
notice to the said Richard Jugge And shall quietly 


permit and suffer the same Richard Jugge at his owne 
charge and to and for his owne propre and onely use to 
ymprinte utter and sell evry suche Byble and Testament 
whiche the said Christofer or his assignes shalbe so 
comaunded to printe. The said Richard Jugge therefore 
alowinge unto the said Christofer for every suche booke 
Licenced to the said Christofer as abovesaid and so to be 
comaunded as aforesaid to be printed : at and upon 
evry ympression thereof to be made by the said Richard 
Jugge accordinge to the tenor of theis presents : only I 
quier of printed paper of evry shete of evry booke so to 
be printed amountinge in the whole to ffyve and twentie 
perfect bookes of evry suche whole impression thereof. 
Jn witnes whereof the persons hereunder named for 
a remembrance and testimonie of the truethe in the 
premisses hereunto have subscribed their names as 
witnesses thereof. Gyven the nynthe day of June in the 
year within written 

RychardTottyll( Warden / of 

Wyllyam Cooke j* said . . 

I Companie of Stationers. 

Also about Tenne of the clocke in the forenoone of the 
eight daye of June in the said yere within wrytten. The 
saide Christofer Barker came to the house of the said 
Richard Jugge beside Newegate Market in London 
signifyenge unto the same Richard the seid graunte and 
licence abovemencioned to be made to the same Christof er. 
And then and there in the presence of the wife of the 
said Ric. Jugge and of Richard Watkins citizen and 
Stationer of London the same Christofer Barker did gyve 
his hand and faythfull promise unto the sayde Richard 
Jugge for all the same causes effects intents and purposes 
above and within wrytten concerninge the ymprintinge 



of the Byble in Quarto and the testament in Decimo 

by ine Richard Watkyns 

The said Richard Tottell Willm Cooke and Richard 
Watkins dyd sevrally subscribe as is above written in 
the presence of us whose names ensue viz. 

Willm Seres 
Jhon Daye 
Thomas Marshe 
John Waley 
Jhon Judson 

From the original Patent Roll, 19 Elizabeth, Part 8. 

Regina omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Sciatis quod 
nos de gratia nostra speciali ac ex certa scientia et mero 
motu nostris, necnon propter credibilem informacionem 

1 The purport of this very full patent is that the queen, in 
consideration of the skill shown by Christopher Barker in the 
art of printing, grants to him, for herself, her heirs and successors, 
the office of royal printer of all statutes, books, bills, acts of 
parliament, proclamations, injunctions, bibles, and new testa- 
ments, in the English tongue of any translation, with or without 
notes, whether previously in print or to be subsequently printed 
by her command. Also of all service-books ordered to be used 
in churches, and all other volumes, however called, ordered to be 
printed by [the Queen] or Parliament, whether in English or in 
English and some other language (save only Latin grammars) 
and makes Christopher Barker her printer, to exercise the 
office personally or by a sufficient deputy or deputies for 
his natural life. Wherefore she forbids all and sundry her 
subjects in or out of her dominions to print any book, &c., of 
which the printing is hereby given to the said Christopher Barker, 
or to cause any book of the said Christopher Barker's printing 


nobis factam promptitudinis et dextre noticie que 
dilectus subditus noster Christoferus Barker de civitate 
London impressor habet et demonstravit in arte & 
misterio impressionis dedimus et concessimus ac per pre- 
sentes pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris damus 
ac concedimus eidem Christofero Barker officium Impres- 
soris nostri omnium et singulorum statutorum librorum 
libellorum actuum parliament! proclamacionum iniunctio- 
num ac bibliorum et novorum testamentorum quorum- 
cunque in lingua anglicana alicujus translacionis cum 
notis aut sine notis antehac impressorum aut imposterum 
per mandatum nostrum imprimendorum. Necnon om- 
nium aliorum librorum quorumcunque quos nos pro dei 
servicio in Templis hujus Regni nostri Anglie uti manda- 
vimus aut imposterum uti mandaverimus ac aliorum 
voluminum ac rerum quorumcumque quocumque nomine 
termino titulo aut sensu seu quibuscumque nominibus ter- 
minis titulis aut sensibus nominentur vocentur vel cen- 
seantur aut eorum aliquod noininetur, vocetur censeatur 
aut imposterum nominabuntur, vocabuntur vel censebun- 
tur seu per parliamentum regni nostri predict! in Angli- 

to be printed abroad or at home, and imported or sold in England 
under penalty of a fine of 405. for every book so printed or sold 
and seizure of the stock. And she gives to Christopher Barker 
and his assigns the right of seizing and arresting without let or 
stay. Moreover she gives the right of impressing skilled workmen 
when needed for his service. The said Christopher Barker to be 
paid 6 135. 4^. yearly, one half at Michaelmas, the other at 
Easter. A complete monopoly of printing English Bibles of every 
kind was thus conferred, including adequate powers for enforcing 
it. As to Barker's personal position, however, the patent must 
be read in connexion with his statement in 1582 (printed on 
page 42), in which he writes of many of his friends disbursing 
round sums of money for him, and the Memorandum printed 
as No. LXI, where we find used the remarkable phrase * parteners 
in the previleges '. 


cana lingua vel in Anglicana et alia lingua quacumque 
mixtis iam edit impressit vel excussit aut imposterum 
edendum excudendum & ad impressionem ponendum (ex- 
ceptis solummodo rudimentis grammatice institucionis 
latine lingue) ac ipsum Christoferum Barker Impressorem 
nostrum omnium singulorum permissorum facimus 
ordinamus et constituimus per presentes habendo 
gaudendo occupando et exercendo officium predictum 
prefato Christofero Barker per se vel per sufficientem 
deputatum suum sive deputatos suos sufficientes durante 
vita sua natural! unacum omnibus proficuis commodi- 
tatibus advantages preeminentiis privilegiis eidem officio 
quoquomodo spectantibus sive pertinentibus. Quare 
prohibemus et vetamus ac inhibemus omnibus et singu- 
lari[bu]s subditis nostris quibuscunque ubivis gentium et 
locorum agentibus et ceteris aliis quibuscunque ne illi 
vel eorum aliquis per se vel per alium vel alios imprimat 
seu imprimi faciat vel faciant infra seu extra dominia 
nostra quecumque aliquod volumen librum aut opus seu 
aliqua volumina libros aut opera quecunque de quibus 
impressio per presentes per nos conceditur prefato 
Christofero Barker. Ac quod nullus aliquos libros 
volumina aut opus quodcumque in vernacula aut 
anglicana lingua aut anglicana cum aliis ut prefertur 
infra regna seu dominia nostra per pref atum Christoferum 
Barker impressa aut que in futuris erunt per ipsum 
impressa in partibus transmarinis aut in partibus forin- 
secis imprimi facient vel faciet nee ea seu eorum aliquod 
importet vel importent seu importari faciet vel facient 
aut ea vel eorum aliquod vendat vel vendant sub pena 
forisfacturis XL 9 - legalis monete Anglie pro quolibet tali 
libro volumine vel opere sic irnprimendo vel vendendo ac 
confiscationis et amissionis talium librorum voluminum 
operum materiarum et rerum quorumcunque et eorum 


cuius libet. Que quidem libri volumina materia et res 
quecumque sic impressoris vel impostenim contra 
tenorem presentium imprimenda aut infra hoc regnum 
nostrum sive dominia quecumque importanda & sicut 
praemittitur f orisf aciendum et confiscandum nos conces- 
simus ac aucthoritatem et potestatem per presentes pro 
nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris concedimus pre- 
fato Christofero Barker impressori nostro et assignatis 
suis apprehendendi capiendi seizendi et ad opus nostrum 
arestandi et confiscandi sine impedimento interrupcione 
dilatione contradiccione seu perturbacione quacumque 
vetantes insuper et firmiter prohibentes virtute et vigore 
presentium ne quis alius quocumque modo colore vel 
pretextu librum vel libros aut opera quecumque per 
dictum Christoferum Barker imprimenda de novo 
imprimere vel alibi impressa vendere aut emere presumat 
vel audeat quovismodo. Et insuper de ampliori gracia 
nostra concessimus et licenciam dedimus ac per presentes 
pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris concedimus 
et licenciam damus eidem Christofero Barker quod ipse 
vel assignati sui de tempore in tempus durante vita natu- 
ralis prefati Christopher Barker operarios de arte et mis- 
teriis impressionis capere apprehendere ac conducere possit 
vel possint ad operandum in arte predicta ad appuncta- 
mentfum] sive assignationem dicti Christoferi Barker 
tali tempore et talibus temporibus durantibus quo vel 
quibus idem Christoferus Barker vel assignati sui hujus- 
modi operariis egebit vel egebunt. Concessimus etiam 
ac per presentes pro nobis heredibus ac successoribus 
nostris concedimus dicto Christofero Barker pro exercitio 
officii predicti feodum sive annuitatem sex librorum 
tredecim solidos et quatuor denariis : habendo et an- 
nuatim percipiendo predictum feodum sive annuitatem 
sex librorum tresdecim solidos et quatuor denariis prefato 


Christofero Barker ad festum Sancti Michaelis archangel! 
et pasche equis portionibus solvendum durante vita 
sua natural! de Thesauro nostro ab receptis scaccariis 
nostri Westmonasteriensis per maims Thesaurari et 
camerari nostrorum pro tempore existentis mandantes 
etiam et per presentes firmiter injungendum precipientes 
omnibus et singulis maioris vice ballivis constabnlarum et 
aliis officiorum ministris et subditis nostris quibuscunque 
quod prefato Christofero et assignatis suis in execucione 
officii predict! ac factione omnium et singulorum in his 
lettris nostris patenti[bu]s specificat agendum de tempore 
in tempus quando necesse fuit sint intendentes attendent 
pariter & auxiliantes in omnibus presentibus decet eo 
quod expresse mencione etc. In cuius rei etc. Teste R. 
apud castrum de Windesore xxvii die septembris 

per breve de private sigillo. 


Broadside in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries 
May it please you, whereas at my extreeme charges 
I haue lately imprinted a large Bible most faithfully 
translated, with large notes and expositions, especiallie 
vpon Job, the Psalmes, the Prophets and the newe 
Testament, and that the right honourable my L. Maior 
with the consent of his worshipfull brethren, hauing 
consideration of the same, hath made request as you 
know for the vtterance of some of them among the 
worshipfull and well disposed Citizens. And nowe I 
vnderstand that my Booke is mistaken for another 
Bible l which was begon before I had authoritie, as it 

1 But for this circular we should have been bound to believe 
that Barker began his career as Queen's Printer by printing not 


is affirmed, which could not be finished but by my con- 
sent, and therefore hath the name to be printed by the 
assignement of Christopher Barker, and as I will not 
dispraise the said booke, so may I iustly affirme that 
there is in quantitie, paper, and workmanship, besides 
many other things therein conteined for the profile of 
the Reader, ten shillings difference to him that hath any 
iudgement at all, and yet if any be disposed to haue 
their bookes bossed, I wil bosse them at the same price 
mentioned in my articles Further if there be anie that 
is not willing to disburce present money, may haue time 
till Candlemas next, so that the Master and wardens 
be then answerable for so many bookes as shall be so 
deliuered, and where the beadle was appointed ijd. I 
thinke it to litle, and will alowe him for each booke 
iiijd and although here can rise no great gaine to me 
in this bargaine, yet must I needs thinke my selfe most 
bounden to this most honourable citie, to the vttermost 
of my possible power, besides the ordinarie duetie I owe 

Articles concerning the deliuery of the Bibles mentioned 
in the peticion of Christopher Barker Printer to the 
Queenes most excellent Maiestie. 

First that your said suppliant shall deliuer to euery 
hall or company one large Bible with the argumentes to 
euery booke in the olde and newe Testaments, the 
summaries or contents of euery Chapter, the notes or 
expositions vpon all the hard places of the text, and also 
a Table of the principall matters therein conteined. 
Which Booke is dedicated to the Queenes most excellent 

only several Geneva Bibles, but also a Bishops'. We learn here 
that he only printed the Geneva Bibles and that the Bishops* must 
have been printed in pursuance of the arrangement set forth in 
No. LVI A and B, which Barker was now able to override. 


Maiestie, authorized by the Lordes and others of her 
Highnesse priuie counsell, confirmed and allowed by 
the L. Archbishops grace of Canterburie, the Bishop of 
Sarum her Maiesties high almner &c, Whereunto is 
added a Kalender historicall, the Booke of Common 
prayer with the administration of the Sacraments and 
other things most necessary. 

Item that the clarkes of eche of the sayde Companies 
may take and set downe in writing the names of all 
such persons of the same companies as will graunt to 
buy of the said Bibles, and what nomber thereof they 
are minded to haue, and whether they will haue them 
bound or unbound. 

And that euery of the said clarkes hauing so done, 
may certifie your said suppliant thereof, And he will 
thereupon bring the same bookes to the halles of eche 
of the sayd companies where the buyers may haue the 
same with asmuch conuenient speed as ma}* be, paying 
for the same as foloweth. 

Your said suppliant hauing bene at great charge 
aswell in preparing furniture as in retayning lourneymen 
and three learned men for a long time for the printing of 
the said bibles, and correcting such small faultes as had 
escaped in the former prints thereof, so as if it were 
prised at xxxs. it were scarce sufficient, (his labour and 
cost being well considered) yet he is content for present 
money by this meane to take for euery of the same 
bibles bound xxiiijs, and for euery of the same vn- 
bound xxs. 

And for the paines of the clarkes of the same com- 
panies in taking and writing the names of the buyers 
of the same bookes and receyuing the money for the 
same, your said suppliant will giue to every of them iiijrf. 
for euery booke that is solde in their seuerall companies. 


And in euery of the said companies where your said 
suppliant shal receyue xl. pound or aboue, he is content 
to giue to the hall thereof one bible for the vse of the 
whole companie at their assemblies in the same hall. 


From British Museum Add. MS. 34729, fol, 77 

An act for the reducinge of diversities of Bibles 
now extant in the Englishe tongue to one setled 
vulgar translated from the originall. 

For avoydinge of the multiplicitie of errors, that are 
rashly conceaved by the inferior and vulgar sorte by 
the varietie of the translacions of Bible to the most 
daungerous increase of papistrie and atheisme. And 
whereas many from the high to the lowe of all sortes 
have bene desierous greatly and a longe time to have 
the holy booke of god which for the olde testament is in 
Hebrewe for the new all originally in Greeke to be trans- 
lated in such sorte, that such as studie it, shoulde in 
noe place be snared, which worke noe doubt the lordes 
spirituall of this Parliament with the painfull travailles 
of such of both Vniversities as they shall or may call 
vnto them, may with the grace of Allmightie god perfect, 
which will tende to her Majesties immortall fame beinge 
amongest the Christian princes universally knowen to be 
not inferior to any in the f urtheringe and def endinge of the 
faith of [Christ, And whereas] the chiefest obstacle to the 
buildinge of this godly worke heretofore hath bene dis- 
cerned to be for that noe compulsarie meanes hath bene 

1 This draft clearly belongs to the reign of Elizabeth, probably 
to the primacy of Whitgift, but with whom it originated appears 
not to be known. 


had ne made whereby the students of both universities 
may be compelled to assiste the saide lordes spirituall 
in the painefull examinacion and execucion of the 
saide worke, nor howe the charges of such students and 
laborers in the same vyneyarde may from time to time be 
competently defrayed Bee it therefore enacted by the 
Queenes most excellent Majestie by the assent of the 
Lords spirituall and temporall and the Commons in this 
Parliament assembled and by the Aucthoritie of the 
same that the lords spirituall of this Realme that now 
are and in succession hereafter shalbe, or any Sixe or 
more of them, whereof the Lorde Archbisshoppe of 
Canterbury for the time beinge to be one may at their 
pleasures from time to time assemble treate and deale 
towchinge the accomplishment of the saide worke and 
may by their letters call and appoint such students of 
both universities to assist them in the same from time 
to time as by them shalbe thought requisite, and to 
allowe such sommes of money towards the charges and 
paines of such students that shalbe imployed in or about 
such worke to be levied by censure ecclesiasticall as to 
the saide Lordes spirituall or any sixe or more of them 
whereof the Archbishop of Canterburye for the time 
beinge to be one shalbe thought meet, the saide charges 
of such students and workers to be assessed levied and 
gathered of such Cathedrall Churches and Colledges and 
the revenues thereof as by the saide lordes spirituall, or 
any sixe or more of them whereof the saide Archbisshoppe 
of Canterbury to be one shalbe thought requisite and 
vnder their handes and seales ordeyned or appointed, 
and that it shall and may be lawfull to or for any tem- 
porall person by deede gift or will to bestowe any gifte 
or legacy of mony or goodes towards the supportinge 
of the saide charges, and such gifte or will to be put in 


execucion by decree or censure of the Lorde Keeper of the 
greate seale of England or lorde Chauncellor for the time 
beinge, vppon any complaint or Inf ormacion to him given 
in her Majesties Courte of Chauncery in that behalfe. 

[Endorsed :] The form of an Act Concerninge translacion 
of the holie Bible from the originall hebrew and greeke. 
To compel any of either University to come & assist in 
translating. A[rch]B[ishop] Whitgift. Tempore Regin. 
Elizab. 2 



Printed from Strype. (Reg. III. Whitgift, fol. 155) 

After my hearty commendations unto your lord- 
ship I have received letters from his most excellent 
majesty, the tenor whereof followeth: 

Right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. 
Whereas we have appointed certain learned men, to the 
number of four and fifty, for the translating of the Bible, 
and that in this number, divers of them have either no 
ecclesiastical preferment at all, or else so very small, 
as the same is far unmeet for men of their deserts, and 
yet we of ourself in any convenient time cannot well 
remedy it, therefore we do hereby require you, that 
presently you write in our name as well to the archbishop 
of York, as to the rest of the bishops of the province 
of Cant, signifying unto them, that we do will, and 

8 The words in italics are in a different handwriting to the 

1 Other documents concerning the version of 1611 are quoted 
textually in the Introduction. 


straitly charge every one of them, as also the other 
bishops of the province of York, as they tender our 
good favour towards them, that (all excuses set apart) 
when any prebend or parsonage, being rated in our book 
of taxations, the prebend to twenty pound at the least 
and the parsonage to the like sum and upwards, shall 
next upon any occasion happen to be void, and to be 
either of their patronage and gift, or the like parsonage 
so void to be of the patronage or gift of any person 
whatsoever, they do make stay thereof, and admit none 
unto it, until certifying vs of the avoidance of it, and of 
the name of the patron (if it be not of their own gift) 
we may commend for the same some such of the learned 
men, as we shall think fit to be preferred unto it : not 
doubting of the bishops' readiness to satisfy us herein, 
or that any of the laity, when we shall in time move 
them to so good and religious an act, will be unwilling 
to give us the like due contentment and satisfaction ; 
we ourselves having taken the same order for such 
prebends and benefices as shall be void in our gift. 
What we write to you of others, you must apply it to 
yourself, as also not forget to move the said archbishop 
and all the bishops, with their deans and chapters of 
both provinces, as touching the other point to be im- 
parted otherwise by you unto them. Furthermore we 
require you, to move all our bishops to inform themselves 
of all such learned men within their several dioceses, 
as having especiall skill in the Hebrew and Greek tongues, 
have taken pains, in their private studies of the scriptures, 
for the clearing of any obscurities either in the Hebrew 
or in the Greek, or touching any difficulties or mistakings 
in the former English translation, which we have now 
commanded to be thoroughly viewed and amended, and 
thereupon to write unto them, earnestly charging them, 


and signifying our pleasure therein, that they send such 
their observations either to Mr. Lively, our Hebrew 
reader in Cambridge, or to Dr. Harding, our Hebrew 
reader in Oxford, or to Dr. Andrews, dean of Westmin- 
ster, to be imparted to the rest of their several companies ; 
so that our said intended translation may have the help 
and furtherance of all our principal learned men within 
this our kingdom. Given under our signet at our palace 
of Westm. the two and twentieth of July, in the second 
year of our reign of England, France and Ireland, and 
of Scotland xxxvii. 

Your lordship may see, how careful his majesty is 
for the providing of livings for these learned men : 
I doubt not therefore, but your lordship will have 
a due regard of his majesty's request herein, as it 
is fit and meet, and that you will take such order 
both with your chancellor, register, and such your 
lordship's officers, who shall have intelligence of the 
premises, as also with the dean and chapter of your 
cathedral church, whom his majesty likewise requireth 
to be put in mind of his pleasure herein, not forgetting 
the latter part of his majesty's letter, touching the in- 
forming of yourself of the fittest linguists within your 
diocese for to perform, and speedily to return that, which 
his majesty is so careful to have faithfully performed. 
I could wish your lordship would, for my discharge 
return me in some few lines, the time of the receipt of 
these letters, that I may discharge that duty, which 
his majesty, by these his letters, hath laid upon me ; 
and so I bid your lordship right heartfly farewell. 
From Fulham the 3ist of July, MDCIV. 

Your lordship's loving friend and brother, 

R. London. 



From the same. (Reg. III. Whitgift, fol. 156) 
1 Salutem in Christo.' My very good lord, as touching 
that clause in his majesty's letter, which is referred to 
my relation, this it is : there are many, as your lordship 
perceiveth, who are to be employed in this translating 
of the Bible, and sundry of them must of necessity have 
their charges borne, which his majesty was very ready 
of his most princely disposition to have borne : but 
some of my lords, as things now go, did hold it incon- 
venient, whereupon it was left to me, to move all my 
brethren, the bishops, and likewise every several dean 
and chapter, to contribute toward this work. Accord- 
ingly therefore to my duty, I heartily pray your lordship, 
not only to think yourself what is meet for you to give 
for this purpose, but likewise to acquaint your dean and 
chapter not only with the said clause of his majesty's 
letter, but likewise with the meaning of it, that they may 
agree upon such a sum, as they mean to contribute. I do 
not think that a thousand marks will finish the work, to be 
employed as is aforesaid, whereof your lordship, with your 
dean and chapter, having due consideration, I must require 
you in his majesty's name, according to his good pleasure 
in that behalf, that as soon as possibly you can, you send 
meVord, what shall be expected from you and your said 
dean and chapter ; for I am to acquaint his majesty with 
every man's liberality towards this most godly work. 

And thus not doubting of your especiall care for the 
accomplishing of the premises, and desiring your lordship 
to note the date to me of your receipt of this letter, 
I commit your lordship unto the tuition of the Almighty 
God. From Fulham this 3ist of July MDCIV. 

Your lordship's very loving friend and brother, 

R. London. 


Mr. Barker Master. 

^dens. l6 6 4 J^Y 

Memorandum that Mr. Barker in consideration that 
Mr. Dawson hath remitted and yeilded up unto hym 
all the full right & interest & Clayme Mr. Barker, 
to the printinge of the booke of Mr. Dawson. 
holy Scripture called the Newe Testament in the 
volume called Octavo of Mr. Cheak's translacion hathe 
undertaken and agreed to pay unto 
the parteners in the previleges to yeildeth up the 
their own proper use Foure hundred 
pounds either out of his Divids of 
his parte in the said privilege as they shall growe 
due untyll they amount to so muche Or else in 
some spedye sorte as he shall think ^ Ir Barker 
convenient Be yt remembered that undertaketh the 
on this present day Mr. Barker hathe EgSJJjJ j<g 
payd unto the said partners as well privilege to theire 
Twenty pounds whiche he receaved ownuse - 
for the dividt of his parte upon the dividt made this 
day As also four score pounds moore He now pay eth 
in present money whiche maketh up the first iooli 
one hundred pounds and is the first thereof - 
hundred pounds parcell of the said Foure hundred pounds 

1 This very important document, most kindly supplied by 
Mr. Charles Rivington, invites more commentary than the date of 
its receipt allows. The surrender of the copyright of Sir John 
Cheke's version of the New Testament, though mentioned as the 
only consideration, was probably quite a minor one, as its 
pecuniary value would have been nearer four hundred pence 
than as many pounds. It reads as if Barker had been taking 
too large a share of the profits and that this was a settlement 
not improbably in anticipation of the outlay to be incurred on 
the new version. 





Sessione Septima. 
xx Novembris, Die Martis ante meridiem. 

Theologi Magnae Britanniae scripto explicarunt, quo 
consilio, quaque ratione negotium accuratissim versionis 
Anglicans Serenissimo Rege lacobo institutum fuerit, 
qu ratio in distribuendo opere fuerit observata : turn 
qu leges interpretibus fuerint prescripte ; ut inde ea, 
que nobis usui fore judicarentur, desumi possent. 
Exemplum ejus scripti hie subjicitur : 

Modus quern Theologi Angli in versione Bibliorum 
sunt secuti. 

Theologi Magnae Britanniae, quibus non est visum 
tantae quaestioni subitam et inopinatam responsionem 
adhibere, officii sui esse judicarunt, praematura delibera- 
tione habita, quando quidem facta esset honorifica 
accuratissimae translationis Anglicanae mentio, a Serenis- 
simo Rege lacobo, magna cum cura, magnisque sumptibus 
nuper editae, notum facere huic celeberrimae Synodo, 
quo consilio, quaque ratione sacrum hoc negotium si 
Serenissima ejus Majestate praestitum fuerit. 

Primo, in opere distribuendo hanc rationem observari 
voluit: totum corpus Bibliorum in sex partes fuit 
distributum : cuilibet parti transferendae destinati sunt 
septem vel octo viri primarij, Linguarum peritissimi. 

Duae partes assignatae fuerunt Theologis quibusdam 

Londinensibus : quatuor vero partes reliquae divisae 

fuerunt aequaliter inter utriusque Academiae Theologos. 

Post peractum a singulis pensum, ex hisce omnibus 


duodecim select! viri in unum locum convocati, inte- 
grum opus recognoverunt, ac recensuerunt. 

Postremo, Reverendissimus Episcopus Wintoniensis, 
Bilsonus, una cum Doctore Smitho, nunc Episcopo 
Glocestriensi, viro eximio, et ab initio in toto hoc opere 
versatissimo, omnibus mature pensitatis & examinatis 
extremam manum huic version! imposuerunt. 

Leges Interpretibus praescriptae fuerunt hujusmodi : 

Primo, cautum est, ut simpliciter nova versio non 
adornaretur, sed vetus, et ab Ecclesi diu recepta ab 
omnibus naevis et vitiis purgaretur ; idque hunc in 
finem, ne recederetur ab antiqua translatione, nisi 
originalis textus veritas, vel emphasis postularet. 

Secundo, ut nullae annotationes margin! apponerentur : 
sed, tantum loca parallela notarentur. 

Tertio, ut ubi vox Hebraea vel Graeca geminum 
idoneum sensum admittit : alter in ipso contextu, alter 
in margine exprimeretur. Quod itidem factum, ubi 
varia lectio in exemplaribus probatis reperta est. 

Quarto, Hebraismi et Graecismi difficiliores in margine 
repositi sint. 

Quinto, in translatione Tobit et ludithae, quando 
quidem magna discrepantia inter Graecum contextum 
et veterem vulgatam Latinam editionem reperiatur, 
Graecum potius contextum secuti sunt. 

Sexto, ut quae ad sensum supplemendum ubivis 
necessario fuerunt contextui interserenda, alio, scilicet 
minusculo, charactere, distinguerentur. 

Septimo, ut nova argumenta singulis libris, & novae 
periochae singulis capitibus praefigerentur. 

Denique, absolutissima Geneologia ct descriptio Terrae 
sanctae, huic opere conjungerentur. 



The theologians of Great Britain offered a written 
explanation of the design and plan in accordance with 
which the business of the very accurate English version 
was instituted by the most Serene King James, of what 
plan was observed in distributing the work, and what 
rules were laid down for the translators ; with the 
intent that any points which might be judged useful to 
us might be taken from it. A copy of this document is 

Method which the English Theologians followed in the 
version of the Bible. The theologians of Great Britain, 
unwilling to give a sudden and unconsidered answer 
to so important a question, considered it their duty to 
hold an early consultation, and since honourable mention 
has been made of the very accurate English translation 
lately set forth, with great care and at great expense, 
by the most Serene King James, to notify to this numer- 
ously attended Synod the design and plan with which 
this sacred business was furnished by his most Serene 

Firstly, in the distribution of the work he willed this 
plan to be observed : the whole text of the Bible was 
distributed into six sections, and to the translation of 
each section there were nominated seven or eight men 
of distinction, skilled in languages. 

Two sections were assigned to certain London theolo- 
gians ; the four remaining sections were equally divided 
among the theologians of the two Universities. 

After each section had finished its task twelve delegates, 
chosen from them all, met together and reviewed and 
revised the whole work. 

Lastly, the very Reverend the Bishop of Winchester, 


Bilson, together with Dr. Smith, now Bishop of Gloucester, 
a distinguished man, who had been deeply occupied in 
the whole work from the beginning, after all things had 
been maturely weighed and examined, put the finishing 
touch to this version. 

The rules laid down for the translators were of this 
kind : 

In the first place caution was given that an entirely 
new version was not to be furnished, but an old version, 
long received by the Church, to be purged from all 
blemishes and faults ; to this end there was to be no 
departure from the ancient translation, unless the truth 
of the original text or emphasis demanded. 

Secondly, no notes were to be placed in the margin, 
but only parallel passages to be noted. 

Thirdly, where a Hebrew or Greek word admits two 
meanings of a suitable kind, the one was to be expressed 
in the text, the other in the margin. The same to be 
done where a different reading was found in good copies. 

Fourthly, the more difficult Hebraisms and Graecisms 
were consigned to the margin. 

Fifthly, in the translation of Tobit and Judith, when 
any great discrepancy is found between the Greek text 
and the old vulgate Latin they followed the Greek 
text by preference. 

Sixthly, that words which it was anywhere necessary 
to insert into the text to complete the meaning were to be 
distinguished by another type, small roman. 

Seventhly, that new arguments should be prefixed to 
every book, and new headings to every chapter. 

Lastly, that a very perfect Genealogy and map of the 
Holy Land should be joined to the work. 

Z 2 



Zeale to promote the common good, whether it be by 
The best things deuising any thing our selues, or 
haue been calum- reuising that which hath bene laboured 
mated. ^y others, deserueth certainly much 

respect and esteeme, but yet findeth but cold intertainment 
in the world. It is welcommed with suspicion in stead of 
loue, and with emulation in stead of thankes : and if there 
be any hole left for cauill to enter, (and cauill, if it doe not 
finde a hole, will make one) it is sure to bee misconstrued, 
and in danger to be condemned. This will easily be granted 
by as many as know story, or haue any experience. 
For, was there euer any thing proiected, that sauoured 
any way of newnesse or renewing, but the same endured 
many a storme of gaine-saying, or opposition ? A man 
would thinke that Ciuilitie, holesome Lawes, learning 
and eloquence, Synods, and Church-maintenance, (that 
we speake of no more things of this kinde) should be as 
safe as a Sanctuary, and || out of shot, 1 as they say, that 
no man would lift vp the heele, no, nor dogge mooue his 
tongue against the motioners of them. For by the first, 
we are distinguished from bruit-beasts led with sensu- 
alitie : By the second, we are bridled and restrained 
from outragious behauiour, and from doing of iniuries, 
whether by fraud or by violence : By the third, we are 
enabled to infonne and ref orme others, by the light and 
feeling that we haue attained vnto our selues : Briefly, 
by the fourth being brought together to a parle face to 
face, we sooner compose our differences then by writings, 


which are endlesse : And lastly, that the Chiirch be 
sufficiently prouided for, is so agreeable to good reason 
and conscience, that those mothers are holden to be lesse 
cruell, that kill their children assoone as they are borne, 
then those noursing fathers and mothers (wheresoeuer 
they be) that withdraw from them who hang vpon their 
breasts (and vpon whose breasts againe themselues doe 
hang to receiue the Spirituall and sincere milke of the 
word) liuelyhood and support fit for their estates. Thus 
it is apparent, that these things which we speake of, are 
of most necessary vse, and therefore, that none, either 
without absurditie can speake against them, or without 
note of wickednesse can spurne against them. 

Yet for all that, the learned know that certaine worthy 
men 2 haue bene brought to vntimely death for none 
other fault, but for seeking to reduce their Countrey-men 
to good order and discipline : and that in some Common- 
weales 3 it was made a capitall crime, once to motion the 
making of a new Law for the abrogating of an old, though 
the same were most pernicious : And that certaine, 4 
which would be counted pillars of the State, and paternes 
of Vertue and Prudence, could not be brought for a long 
time to giue way to good Letters and refined speech, but 
bare themselues as auerse from them, as from rocks or 
boxes of poison : And fourthly, that hee 5 was no babe, 
but a great clearke, that gaue foorth (and in writing to 
remaine to posteritie) in passion peraduenture, but yet 
he gaue foorth, that hee had not seene any profit to come 
by any Synode, or meeting of the Clergie, but rather the 
contrary : And lastly, against Church-maintenance and 
allowance, in scuh sort, as the Embassadors and messen- 
gers of the great King of Kings should be furnished, it is 

3 Anacharsis with others. 3 Locri. * Cato the elder. 

* Gregory the Diitine. 


not vnknowen what a fiction or fable (so it is esteemed, 
and for no better by the reporter himselfe, 6 though 
superstitious) was deuised ; Namely, that at such time 
?s the professours and teachers of Christianitie in the 
Church of Rome, then a true Church, were liberally 
endowed, a voyce forsooth was heard from lieauen, 
saying ; Now is poison powred down into the Church, &c. 
Thus not only as oft as we speake, as one saith, but also 
as oft as we do any thing of note or consequence, we 
subiect our selues to euery ones censure, and happy is 
he that is least tossed vpon tongues ; for vtterly to 
escape the snatch of them it is impossible. If any man 
conceit, that this is the lot and portion of the meaner sort 
onely, and that Princes are priuiledged by their high 
estate, he is deceiued. As the sword deuoureth aswell one 
as the other, as it is in Samuel ; 7 nay as the great Com- 
mander charged his souldiers in a certaine battell, to 
strike at no part of the enemie, but at the face ; And as 
the King of Syria commanded his chiefe Captaines to 
fight neither with small nor great, saue onely against the 
King of Israel : 8 so it is too true, that Enuie striketh 
most spitefully at the fairest, and at the chiefest. Dauid 
was a worthy Prince, and no man to be compared to him 
for his first deedes, and yet for as worthy an acte as euer 
he did (euen for bringing backe the Arke of God in 
solemnitie) he was scorned and scoffed at by his owne 
wife. 9 Solomon was greater than Dauid, though not in 
vertue, yet in power : and by his power and wisdome he 
built a Temple to the LORD, such a one as was the glory 
of the land of Israel, and the wonder of the whole world. 
But was that his magnificence liked of by all? We 
doubt of it. Otherwise, why doe they lay it in his sonnes 

6 Nauclents. 1 2. Sam. n. 25. 8 i. King. 22, 31. 

9 2. Sam. 6. 16. 


dish, and call vnto him for || easing of the burden t lQ Make, 
say they, the grieuous seruitude of thy father, and his sore 
yoke, lighter? 1 Belike he had charged them with some 
leuies, and troubled them with some cariages ; Hereupon 
they raise vp a tragedie, and wish in their heart the 
Temple had neuer bene built. So hard a thing it is to 
please all, euen when we please God best, and doe seeke 
to approue our selues to euery ones conscience. 

If wee will descend to later times, wee shall finde many 
the like examples of such kind, or The hi hestoer 
rather vnkind acceptance. The first sonageshauebeen 
Romane Emperour did neuer doe a calumniated, 
more pleasing deed to the learned, nor more profitable to 
posteritie, for conseruing the record of times in true sup- 
putation ; then when he corrected the Calender, and 
ordered the yeere according to the course of the Sunne : 
and yet this was imputed to him for noueltie, and arro- 
gancie, and procured to him great obloquie. So the 
first Christened Emperour 13 (at the leastwise that openly 
professed the faith himself e, and allowed others to doe the 
like) for strengthening the Empire at his great charges, 
and prouiding for the Church, as he did, got for his labour 
the name Pupittus^ as who would say, a wastefull 
Prince, that had neede of a Guardian, or ouerseer. So 
the best Christened Emperour, 15 for the loue that he bare 
vnto peace, thereby to enrich both himselfe and his 
subiects, and because he did not seeke warre but find it, 
was iudged to be no man at armes, 16 (though in deed he 
excelled in feates of chiualrie, and shewed so much when 
he was prouoked) and condemned for giuing himselfe to 
his ease, and to his pleasure. To be short, the most 

10 fffiffaxfaica*. u I. King. 12. 4. l2 C. Casar. Plutarch. 

13 Constantine. n Auvel Victor. 1S Theodosius. 

16 Zosimus. 


learned Emperour of former times, 17 (at the least, the 
greatest politician) what thanks had he for cutting off 
the superfluities of the lawes, and digesting them into 
some order and method ? This, that he hath been blotted 
by some to bee an Epitomist, that is, one that extin- 
guished \vorthy whole volumes, to bring his abridgements 
into request. This is the measure that hath been rendred 
to excellent Princes in former times, euen, Cum bene 
facerent, male audire, For their good deedes to be euill 
spoken of. Neither is there any likelihood, that enuie 
and malignitie died, and were buried with the ancient. 
No, no, the reproofe of Moses taketh hold of most ages ; 
Yoit are risen vp in your fathers stead, an increase of 
sinfull men. 1 * What is that that hath been done? that 
which shall be done : and there is no new thing vnder the 

TT. ,r i- Sunne^ saith the wiseman : and 
His Maiesties _. ... 

constancie, not- S. Steuen, As your fathers did, so doe 

withstanding you 20 xhis, and more to this purpose, 

calumniation, for J __ . ' . r r f ' 

the suniey of the His Maiestie that now reigneth (and 

transla " lon g' and Ion 8 ma y he rei n e, and 
his offspring for euer, Himselfe and 
children, and childrens children alwayes^) knew full 
well, according to the singular wisedome giuenvnto him 
by God, and the rare learning and experience that he 
hath attained vnto ; namely that whosoeuer attempteth 
any thing for the publike (specially if it pertaine to 
Religion, and to the opening and clearing of the word 
of God) the same setteth himselfe vpon a stage to be 
glouted vpon by euery euil eye, yea, he casteth him- 
selfe headlong vpon pikes, to be gored by euery sharpe 
tongue. For he that medleth with mens Religion in 
any part, medleth with their custome, nay, with their 

17 Justinian. 1S Numb 32. 14. 19 Eccles. r. 9. 

80 Acts 7, 51. 21 AUTOJ, not TrcuSf?, feat iralduv irdvroTf mftts. 


freehold ; and though they finde no content in that 
which they haue, yet they cannot abide to heare of 
altering. Notwithstanding his Royall heart was not 
daunted or discouraged for this or that colour, but stood 
resolute, as a statue immoueable, and an anuile not easie 
to be beaten into plates? 12 as one sayth ; he knew who had 
chosen him to be a Souldier, or rather a Captaine, and 
being assured that the course which he intended made 
much for the glory of God, & the building vp of his 
Church, he would not suffer it to be broken off for what- 
soeuer speaches or practises. It doth certainely belong 
vnto Kings, yea, it doth specially belong vnto them, to 
haue care of Religion, yea, to know it aright, yea, to 
professe it zealously, yea to promote it to the vttermost 
of their power. This is their glory before all nations 
which meane well, and this will bring vnto them a farre 
most excellent weight of glory in the day of the Lord 
lesus. For the Scripture saith not in vaine, Them that 
honor me, I will honor neither was it a vaine word that 
Eusebius deliuered long agoe, that pietie towards God 24 
was the weapon, and the onely weapon that both pre- 
serued Constantines person, and auenged him of his 
enemies. 25 

But now what pietie without trueth ? what trueth 
(what sauing trueth) without the word The praise of the 
of God ? what word of God (whereof holy Scriptures, 
we may be sure) without the Scripture ? The Scriptures 
we are commanded to search. loh, 5. 39. Esa. 8. 20. 
They are commended that searched & studied them. 
Act. 17. ii. and 8. 28, 29. They ar ereproued that were 
vnskilful in them, or slow to beleeue them. Mat. 22. 29. 
Luk. 24. 25. They can make vs wise vnto saluation. 

83 Slttdas. (uffvep rls avtipias &ncptTpifTOS KOI aKpow avr}\a.To$. 

23 i. Sam. 2. 30. " 0oaea. M Eusebius hi. 10 cap. 8. 


2. Tim. 3. 15. If we be ignorant, they will instruct vs ; 
if out of the way, they will bring vs home ; if out of 
order, they will reforme vs, if in heauines, comfort vs ; 
if dull, quicken vs ; if colde, inflame vs. Tolle, lege ; 
Tolle, lege?* Take vp and read, take vp and read the 
Scriptures, (for vnto them was the direction) it was said 
vnto S. Augustine by a supernaturall voyce. Whatsoeuar 
is in the Scriptures, beleeue me, saith the same S. Aitgus- 
tine^ is high and diuine ; there is verily trueth, and a doc- 
trine most fit for the refreshing and renewing of mens 
mindes, and truely so tempered, that euery one may draw 
from thence that which is sufficient for him, if hee come to 
draw with a deuout and pious minde t as true Religion 
requireth. Thus S. Augustine. And S. Hierome 28 : Ana 
scripturas, & amabit te sap ientia &c. Loue the Scriptures, 
and wisedome will loue thee. And S. Cyrill against 
lulian ; 29 Euen boyes that are bred vp in the Scriptures, 
become most religious, &c. But what mention wee three 
or foure vses of the Scripture, whereas whatsoeuer is to 
be beleeued or practised, or hoped for, is contained in 
them ? or three or foure sentences of the Fathers, since 
whosoeuer is worthy the name of a Father, from Christs 
time downeward, hath likewise written not onely of the 
riches, but also of the perfection of the Scripture ? 
I adore the fulnesse of the Scripture, saith Tertullian 
against Hermogenes And againe, to Apelles an Here- 
tike of the like stampe, he saith ; I doe not admit that 
which thou bringest in (or concludest) of thine owne (head 
or store, de tuo) without Scripture. So Saint lustin 

86 5. August confess, lib. 8. cap. 12. 

27 5. August, de vtilit. credendi cap. 6. 

a8 S. Hieronym. ad Demetnad. 

29 5. Cyril. 7. contra luliamtm. 

* TertuL aduers. Hermo. Tertul de came Christi. 


Martyr & before him ; Wee must know by all meanes, saith 
hee, that it is not lawfull (or possible) to learne (any thing) 
of God or of right pietie, sane onely out of the Prophets, who 
teach vs by diuine inspiration. So Saint Basill** after 
Tertuttian, It is a manifest falling away from the Faith, 
and a fault of presumption, either to reiect any of those 
things that are written, or to bring in (vpon the head of 
them, c7TL<rayiv) any of those things that are not written. 
Wee omit to cite to the same effect, S. Cyrill B. of 
Hierusalem in his 4. Cataches. Saint Hierome against 
Heluidius, Saint Augustine in his 3, booke against the 
letters of Petilian, and in very many other places of his 
workes. Also we forbeare to descend to latter Fathers, 
because wee will not wearie the reader. The Scriptures 
then being acknowledged to bee so full and so perfect, 
how can wee excuse our selues of negligence, if we doe 
not studie them, of curiositie, if we be not content with 
them ? Men talke much of etpeo-oon;, 33 how many 
sweete and goodly things it had hanging on it ; of the 
Philosophers stone, that it turneth copper into gold ; of 
Cornu-copia, that it had all things necessary for foode in 
it ; of Panaces the herbe, that it was good for all diseases ; 
of Catholicon the drugge, that it is in stead of all purges ; 
of Vukans armour, that it was an armour of proofe 
against all thrusts, and all blowes, &c. Well, that which 
they f alsly or vainely attributed to these things for bodily 
good, wee may iustly and with full measure ascribe vnto 
the Scripture, for spirituall. It is not onely an armour, 
but also a whole armorie of weapons, both offensiue, and 

31 lustin irporpcitT, irpus \\rjv. o!6v re. 

38 S. Basil. Vfpl ir'urreus. ivfpij^avlas Karrjyopia, 

33 "EipGffi&vrj avKa tyfpet, Kal iriovas aprovs, icat /*&( lv KOT I/XT/, *cu 
\aiov, &c. An oliue bow wrapped about with wooll, wherevpon 
did hang figs, & bread, and honie in a pot, & oyle. 


defensiue ; whereby we may sane our selues and put the 
enemie to flight. It is not an herbe, but a tree, or rather 
a whole paradise of trees of life, which bring foorth fruit 
euery moneth, and the fruit thereof is for meate, and 
the leaues for medicine. It is not a pot of Manna, or 
a cruse of oyle, which were for memorie only, or for a 
meales meate or two, but as it were a showre of heauenly 
bread sufficient for a whole host, be it neuer so great ; 
and as it were a whole cellar full of oyle vessels ; whereby 
all our necessities may be prouided for, and our debts 
discharged. In a word, it is a Panary of holesome foode, 
against fenowed traditions ; a Physions-shop 34 (Saint 
Basill calleth it) of preseruatiues against poisoned 
heresies ; a Pandect of profitable lawes, against rebellious 
spirits ; a treasurie of most costly iewels, against beggarly 
rudiments ; Finally a fountaine of most pure water 
springing vp vnto euerlasting life. And what maruaile ? 
The originall thereof being from heauen, not from earth ; 
the authour being God, not man ; the enditer, the holy 
spirit, not the wit of the Apostles or Prophets ; the Pen- 
men such as were sanctified from the wombe, and 
endewed with a principall portion of Gods spirit ; the 
matter, veritie, pietie, puritie, vprightnesse ; the forme, 
Gods word, Gods testimonie, Gods oracles, the word of 
trueth, the word of saluation, &c. the effects, light of 
vnderstanding, stablenesse of perswasion, repentance 
from dead workes, newnesse of life, holinesse, peace, ioy 
in the holy Ghost ; lastly, the end and reward of the 
studie thereof, fellowship with the Saints, participation 
of the heauenly nature, fruition of an inheritance immor- 
tall, vndefiled, and that neuer shall fade away : Happie 
is the man that delighteth in the Scripture, and thrise 
happie that meditateth in it day and night. 

M KOIV&V larpetov. S. Basil, in Psal. primuw. 


But how shall men meditate in that, which they cannot 
vnderstand ? How shall they vnder- Translation 
stand that which is kept close in an neceasane. 
vnknowen tongue ? as it is written, Except I know the 
power of the voyce, I shall be to him that speaketh, a Bar- 
barian, and he that speaketh, shalbe a Barbarian to me.^ 
The Apostle excepteth no tongue ; not Hebrewe the 
ancientest, not Greeke the most copious, not Latine the 
finest. Nature taught a naturall man to confesse, that 
all of vs in those tongues which wee doe not vnderstand, 
are plainely deafe ; wee may turne the deafe eare vnto 
them. The Scythian counted the Athenian, whom he did 
not vnderstand, barbarous : 36 so the Roman e did the 
Syrian, and the lew, (euen S. Hierome himself e calleth 
the Hebrew tongue barbarous, belike because it was 
strange to so many) so the Emperour of Constantinople 3S 
calleth the Latine tongue, barbarous, though Pope 
Nicolas do storme at it : 39 so the lewes long before 
Christ, called all other nations, Lognazim, which is little 
better then barbarous. Therefore as one complaineth, 
that alwayes in the Senate of Rome, there was one or 
other that called for an interpreter : ^ so lest the Church 
be driuen to the like exigent, it is necessary to haue 
translations in a readinesse. Translation it is that 
openeth the window, to let in the light ; that breaketh 
the shell, that we may eat the kernel ; that putteth aside 
the curtaine, that we may looke into the most Holy 
place ; that remooueth the couer of the well, that wee 
may come by the water, euen as lacob rolled away the 
stone from the mouth of the well, by which meanes the 

i5 I. Cor. 14. S6 Clem. Alex. i, Strom. 

17 5. Hiwonym. Dumaso. w Michael, TheophiUfil. 

L8 2. Tom. ConciL ex edit. P&tn Crab. 

40 Cicero 5. definibus. 


flockes of Laban were watered. 41 Indeede without 
translation into the vulgar tongue, the vnlearned are 
but like children at lacobs well (which was deepe) without 
a bucket or some thing to draw with : 42 or as that person 
mentioned by Esay, to whom when a sealed booke was 
deliuered, with this motion, Reade this, I pray thee, hee 
was f aine to make this answere, / cannot, for it is sealed.^ 
While God would be knowen onely 
/^ e translation in Iacob and haue ^ ^ame great in 
of the olde Testa- ' . 11-1 

ment out of the Israel, and in none other place, while 

Hebrew into the dew lay on Gideons fleece onely, 

Greeke. J . J ' 

and all the earth besides was dne ; 44 

then for one and the same people, which spake all 
of them the language of Canaan, that is, Hebrewe, 
one and the same originall in Hebrew was sufficient. 
But when the fulnesse of time drew neere, that the 
Sunne of righteousnesse, the Sonne of God should 
come into the world, whom God ordeined to be a recon- 
ciliation through faith in his blood, not of the lew 
onely, but also of the Greeke, yea, of all them that were 
scattered abroad ; then loe, it pleased the Lord to stirre 
vp the spirit of a Greeke Prince (Greeke for descent and 
language) euen of Ptolome Philadelph King of Egypt, to 
procure the translating of the Booke of God out of 
Hebrew into Greeke. This is the translation of the 
Seuentie Interpreters, commonly so called, which pre- 
pared the way for our Sauiour among the Gentiles by 
written preaching, as Saint lohn Baptist did among the 
lewes by vocall. For the Grecians being desirous of 
learning, were not wont to suffer bookes of worth to lye 
moulding in Kings Libraries, but had many of their 
seruants, ready scribes, to copie them out, and so they 

41 Gen. 29, 10. * loh. 4, n. * Esay 29. u. 

44 Sec S. August, lib. 12. contra Faust, c, 32. 


were dispersed and made common. Againe, the Greeke 
tongue was wellknowen and made familiar to most 
inhabitants in Asia, by reason of the conquest that there 
the Grecians had made, as also by the Colonies, which 
thither they had sent. For the same causes also it was 
well vnderstood in many places of Europe, yea, and of 
Affyike too. Therefore the word of God being set foorth 
in Greeke, becommeth hereby like a candle set vpon a 
candlesticke, which giueth light to all that are in the 
house, or like a proclamation sounded foorth in the 
market place, which most men presently take knowledge 
of ; and therefore that language was fittest to containe 
the Scriptures, both for the first Preachers of the Gospel 
to appeale vnto for witnesse, and for the learners also of 
those times to make search and triall by. It is certaine, 
that that Translation was not so sound and so perfect, 
but that it needed in many places correction ; and who 
had bene so sufficient for this worke as the Apostles or 
Apostolike men ? Yet it seemed good to the holy Ghost 
and to them, to take that which they found, (the same 
being for the greatest part true and sufficient) rather 
then by making a new, in that new world and greene age 
of the Church, to expose themselues to many exceptions 
and cauillations, as though they made a Translation to 
serue their owne turne, and therefore bearing witnesse 
to themselues, their witnesse not to be regarded. This 
may be supposed to bee some cause, why the Translation 
of the Seuentie was allowed to passe for currant. Not- 
withstanding, though it was commended generally, yet 
it did not fully content the learned, no not of the lewes^ 
For not long after Christ, Aquila fell in hand with a new 
Translation, and after him Theodotion, and after him 
Symmachus : yea, there was a fift and a sixt edition, the 
46 Epiphan, de mensur* 6* ponderibus. 


Authours wherof were not knowen. These with the 
Seitentie made vp the Hexapla, and were worthily and to 
great purpose compiled together by Origen. Howbeit 
the Edition of the Seuentie went away with the credit, 
and therefore not onely was placed in the midst by 
Origen (for the worth and excellencie thereof aboue the 
rest, as Epiphanius gathereth) but also was vsed by the 
Greeke fathers for the ground and foundation of their 
Commentaries. 46 Yea, Epiphanius aboue named doeth 
attribute so much vnto it, that he holdeth the Authours 
thereof not onely for Interpreters, but also for Prophets 
in some respect : and lustinian the Emperour enioyning 
the lewes his subiects to vse specially the Translation of 
the Seitentie, rendreth this reason thereof, because they 
were as it were enlightened with propheticall grace. 47 
Yet for all that, as the Egyptians are said of the Prophet 
to bee men and not God, and their horses flesh and not 
spirit : 48 so it is euident, (and Saint Hierome affirmeth 
as much) 49 that the Seuentie were Interpreters, they 
were not Prophets ; they did many things well, as 
learned men ; but yet as men they stumbled and fell, 
one while through ouersight, another while through 
ignorance, yea, sometimes they may be noted to adde 
to the Originall, and sometimes to take from it ; which 
made the Apostles to leaue them many times, when they 
left the Hebrew, and to deliuer the sence thereof ac- 
cording to the trueth of the word, as the spirit gaue them 
vtterance. This may suffice touching the Greeke Trans- 
lations of the old Testament, 
There were also within a few hundreth yeeres after 

48 Sec'S. August 2. dc doctrin. Christian, c. 15. 
47 Nouell. diatax. 146. irpoQrjTticfis werirep x&P LT s 
* b Esa. 31. 3. 
* J S. Hicyon. dc optima genere interpret. 


CHRIST, translations many into the Latine tongue : for 
this tongue also was very fit to conuey Translation out 
the Law and the Gospel by, because oi Hebrew and 
in those times very many Countreys Greeke into La tine, 
of the West, yea of the South, East and North, spake or 
vnderstood Latine, being made Prouinces to the Romanes. 
But now the Latine Translations were too many to be all 
good, for they were infinite (Latini Interpretes nullo niodo 
nwnerari possunt, saith S. Augustine*) Againe they 
were not out of the Hebrew fountaine (wee speake of the 
Latine Translations of the Old Testament) but out of 
the Greeke streame, therefore the Greeke being not alto- 
gether cleare, the Latine deriued from it must needs be 
muddie. This moued S. Hierome a most learned father, 
and the best linguist without controuersie, of his age, or 
of any that went before him, to vndertake the translating 
of the Old Testament, out of the very fountaines them- 
selues ; which hee performed with that euidence of great 
learning, iudgement, industrie and faithfulnes, that he 
hath for euer bound the Church vnto him, in a debt of 
speciall remembrance and thankefulnesse. 

Now though the Church were thus furnished with 
Greeke and Latine Translations, euen The translating 
before the faith of CHRIST was gener- pf the Scripture 
ally embraced in the Empire : (for the > ^e vulgar 
learned know that euen in S, Hieroms 
time, the Consul of Rome and his wife were both Ethnicks, 
and about the same time the greatest part of the Senate 
also 51 ) yet for all that the godly-learned were not content 
to haue the Scriptures in the Language which themselues 
vnderstood, Greeke and Latine, (as the good Lepers were 

50 S, Auguttiii. da doctr. Chnst. lib. 2. cap. 11. 
31 S. HicYonyvn* Alarcvll. Zosim. 
A a 


not content to fare wellthemselues, but acquainted their 
neighbours with the store that God had sent, that they 
also might prouide for themselues 52 ) but also for the 
behoofe and edifying of the vnlearned which hungred 
and thirsted after Righteousnesse, and had soules to be 
saued aswell as they, they prouided Translations into 
the vulgar for their Countreymen, insomuch that most 
nations vnder heauen did shortly after their conuersion, 
heare CHRIST speaking vnto them in their mother tongue, 
not by the voyce of their Minister onely, but also by the 
written word translated. If any doubt hereof, he may 
be satisfied by examples enough, if enough wil serue the 
turne. First 5. Hierome saith, Multarum gentiu linguis 
Scyiptuya ante translate, docet falsa esse qucB addita sunt, 
<c. 53 i. The Scripture being translated before in the 
languages of many Nations, doth shew that those things 
that were added (by Lucian or Hesychius) are false. So 
S. Hierome in that place. The same Hierome else- 
where affirmeth that he, the time was, had set forth 
the translation of the Seuenly, suce lingua hominibus. 5 * 
i. for his countreymen of Dalmatia. Which words 
not only Erasmus doth vnderstand to purport, that 
5. Hierome translated the Scripture into the Dalmatian 
tongue, but also Sixtiis Senensis, and Alphonsus a 
Castro** (that we speake of no more) men not to be 
excepted against by them of Rome, doe ingenuously 
confesse as much. So, S. Chyysostome that liued in 
S. Hieromes time, giueth euidence with him : The doctrine 
of S. lohn (saith he) did not in such sort (as the Philo- 
sophers did) vanish away ; but the Syrians, Egyptians, 

" 2. King. 7. 9. 63 S. Hieron. praf. in 4. EitangeL 

61 5. Hieroii. Sophronio. ** Six. Sen. lib. 4. 

66 Alphon. a Castro lib. i. ca. 2$. 

67 S. Chiysost* in lohan. cap. i. horn. i. 


Indians, Persians, Ethiopians, and infinite other nations 
being barbarous people, translated it into their (mother) 
tongue, and haue learned to be (true) Philosophers, lie 
meaneth Christians. To this may be added Theodorit?* 
as next vnto him, both for antiquitie, and for learning. 
His words be these, Euery Coimlrey that is vnder the 
Sunne, Is full of these wordes (of the Apostles and Prophets ) 
and the Hebrew tongue (he meaneth the Scriptures in the 
Hebrew tongue) is turned not onely into the Language of 
the Grecians, but also of the Romanes, and Egyptians, and 
Persians, and Indians, and Armenians, and Scythians, 
and Sauromatians, and briefly into all the Languages that 
any Nation vseth. So he. In like maner, Vlpilas is 
reported by Paulus Diacomis 59 and Isidor & (and before 
them by Sozomen 61 ) to haue translated the Scriptures 
into the Gothicke tongue : lohn Bishop oi Siuil by 
Vasseus,* to haue turned them into Arabicke, about the 
yeere of our Lord 717 : Beda by Cistertiensis, to haue 
turned a great part of them into Saxon : Efnard by 
Trithemius, to haue abridged the French Psalter, as Beda 
had done the Hebrew, about the yeere 800 : King Alured 
by the said Cistertiensis^ to haue turned the Psalter into 
Sawn : Metlwdius by Auentinus 64 (printed at Ingolstad) 
to haue turned the Scriptures into || Sclauonian : Valdo, 
Bishop of Prising by Beatus Rhenanus, to haue caused 
about that time, the Gospels to be translated into Dutch- 
rithme, yet extant in the Library of Corbinian : Valdus, 
by diuers to haue turned them himself, or to haue 

88 Thcodor. 5. Thcrapeut. 9 P. Diacon. li. iz t 

" Isidor. in Chvon. bl Goth. Sozom. It. 6. cap. 37. 

M Vaseus in Chron Hispau. 

w Polydor. V^rg. 5. htetvr. Angtoru/m testatur idem de Aluredo 

84 Awtitin* lib. 4. *Circa annum 900. B. lihemn. rerum 
German, lib. 2. 

A a 2 


gotten them turned into French, about the yeere 1160* : 
Charles the 5. oi that name, surnamed The wise, to 
haue caused them to be turned into French, about 
200. yeeres after Valdus his time, of which trans- 
lation there be many copies yet extant, as witnesseth 
Bei'oaldus. Much about that time, euen in our King 
Richard the seconds dayes, lolin Treuisa translated them 
into English, and many English Bibles in written hand 
are yet to be seene with diuers, translated as it is very 
probable, in that age. So the Syrian translation of the 
New Testament is in most learned mens Libraries, of 
Widminstadius his setting forth, and the Psalter in 
Arabicke is with many, of Augustimis Nebiensis setting 
foorth. So Postel affirmeth, that in his trauaile he saw 
the Gospels in the Ethiopian tongue ; And Ambrose 
Thesius alleageth the Psalter of the Indians, which he 
testifieth to haue bene set forth by Potken in Syrian 
characters. So that, to haue the Scriptures in the mother- 
tongue is not a quaint conceit lately taken vp, either by 
the Lord Cromwell in England** or by the Lord Radeuil 
in Polonie, or by the Lord Vngnadius in the Emperours 
dominion, but hath bene thought vpon, and put in prac- 
tise of old, euen from the first times of the conuersion of 
any Nation ; no doubt, because it was esteemed most 
profitable, to cause faith to grow in mens hearts the 
sooner, and to make them to be able to say with the 
words of the Psalme, As we haue heard, so we haue seenef 1 
Now the Church of Rome would seeme at the length 
to beare a motherly affection towards her children, and 
to allow them the Scriptures in their mother tongue : 
but indeed it is a gift, not deseruing to be called a gift, 
an vnprofitable gift : 68 they must first get a Licence in 

65 Bcroald. 8 Thuan. Psal. 48. 8, 

68 Supov aScupov KOVK wrjffipov. Sophocles. 


writing before they may vse them, and to get that, they 

must approue themselues to their Con- ,, .,.. 
xi j. - j i i The vmvillmg- 

fessor, that is, to be such as are, if nes of our chiefe 

not frozen in the dregs, yet sowred Adversaries, that 

.,, ,, . r ^ j.-x- the Scriptures 

with the leauen of their superstition, should be diuulged 

Howbeit, it seemed too much to in the mother 
Clement the 8. that there should be n8ue> c ' a 
any Licence granted to haue them in the vulgar 
tongue, and therefore he ouerruleth and frustrateth 
the grant of Pius the fourth. 69 So much are they 
afraid of the light of the Scripture, (Lucifug Scrip- 
turarum, as Tertullian speaketh 70 ) that they will not 
trust the people with it, no not as it is set foorth by 
their owne sworne men, no not with the Licence of 
their owne Bishops and Inquisitors. Yea, so vnwilling 
they are to communicate the Scriptures to the peoples 
vnderstanding in any sort, that they are not ashamed 
to confesse, that wee forced them to translate it into 
English against their wills. This seemeth to argue a bad 
cause, or a bad conscience, or both, Sure we are, that 
it is not he that hath good gold, that is afraid to bring 
it to the touch-stone, but he that hath the counterfeit ; 
neither is it the true man that shunneth the light, but 
the malefactour, lest his deedes should be reproued: 
neither is it the plaine dealing Merchant that is vnwilling 
to haue the waights, or the meteyard brought in place, 
but he that vseth deceit. But we will let them alone for 
this fault, and returne to translation. 

Many mens mouths haue bene open a good while 
and yet are not stopped) with speeches about the 

89 See the obseruation (set forth by Clemen, his authority) vpon 
the 4. rule of Pius the 4. his making in the Index, lib. prohib, 
pag. i$.ver. 5. 

70 TertuL de vesw. carnis* loan 3. 20. 


Translation so long in hand, or rather perusals of 

T , , Translations made before : and aske 

The speaches 

and reasons, both what may be the reason, what the 

and rfSSr- necessitie of the employment: Hath 
saries against this the Church bene deceiued, say they, 
worke. all this whfle p Hath her sweet bread 

bene mingled with leauen, her siluer with drosse, her 
wine with water, her milke with lime ? (Lade gypsum 
male miscetur, saith S. Ireney, n ) We hoped that we 
had bene in the right way, that we had had the 
Oracles of God deliuered vnto vs, and that though all 
the world had cause to be offended and to complaine, 
yet that we had none. Hath the nurse holden out the 
breast, and nothing but winde in it ? Hath the bread 
bene deliuered by the fathers of the Church, and the same 
proued to be lapidosns, as Seneca speaketh ? What is it 
to handle the word of God deceitfully, if this be not ? 
Thus certaine brethren. Also the aduersaries of ludah 
and Hierusalem, like Sariballat in Nehemiah, mocke as 
we heare, both at the worke and workemen, saying ; 
What doe these weake lewes, 6-c. will they make the stones 
whole againe out of the heapes of dust which are burnt ? 
although they build, yet ifafoxe goe vp, he shall euen breake 
downe their stony wall?* Was their Translation good 
before ? Why doe they now mend it ? Was it not good ? 
Why then was it obtruded to the people ? Yea, why did 
the Catholicks (meaning Popish Romanists) alwayes goe 
in ieopardie, for refusing to goe to heare it ? Nay, if it 
must be translated into English, Catholicks are fittest 
to doe it. They haue learning, and they know when 
a thing is well, they can manum de tabula. Wee will 
answere them both briefly : and the former, being 
brethren, thus, with S.Hierowe, Damnamus veteres ? 
71 S. In*. 3. lib. cap. 19. w Neh. 4. 3. 


Minime, sed post priomm studia in domo Domini quod 
possumus laboramus That is, Doe we condemne the 
ancient ? In no case : but after the endeuours of them that 
were before vs, wee take the best paines we can in the Jiouse 
of God. As if hee said, Being prouoked by the example of 
the learned that lined before my time, I haue thought 
it my duetie, to assay whether my talent in the knowledge 
of the tongues, may be profitable in any measure to 
Gods Church, lest I should seeme to haue laboured in 
them in vaine, and lest I should be thought to glory in 
men, (although ancient,) aboue that which was in them, 
Thus 5. Hierome may be thought to speake. 

And to the same effect say wee, that we are so farre 
off from condemning any of their A satisfaction to 
labours that traueiled before vs in this <> ur brethren, 
kinde, either in this land or beyond sea, either in King 
Henries time, or King Edwards (if there were any trans- 
lation, or correction of a translation in his time) or 
Queene Elizabeths of euer-renoumed memorie, that we 
acknowledge them to haue beene raised vp of God, for 
the building and furnishing of his Church, and that they 
deserue to be had of vs and of posteritie in euerlasting 
remembrance. The ludgement of Aristotle is worthy and 
well knowen : 74 // Timotheus had not bene, we had not 
had much sweet musicke ; but if Phrynis (Timotheus his 
master) had not beene, wee had not had Timotheus. There- 
fore blessed be they, and most honoured be their name, 
that breake the yce, and giueth onset vpon that which 
helpeth forward to the sauing of soules. Now what can 
bee more auaileable thereto, then to deliuer Gods booke 
vnto Gods people in a tongue which they vnderstand ? 
Since of an hidden treasure, and of a fountaine that is 

18 5. Hieron. Apohg. aduevs. 
74 Art st. 2. metaphys. cap. i. 


scaled, there is no profit, as Ptolomee Philadelph wrote 
to the Rabbins or masters of the lewes, as witnesseth 
Epiphanius: and as S. Augustine saith ; A man had 
rather be with his dog then with a stranger (whose tongue 
is strange vnto him.) Yet for all that, as nothing is 
begun and perfited at the same time, and the later 
thoughts are thought to be the wiser : so, if we building 
vpon their foundation that went before vs, and being 
holpen by their labours, doe endeuour to make that better 
which they left so good ; no man, we are sure, hath cause 
to mislike vs ; they, we perswade our selues, if they were 
aliue, would thanke vs. The vintage of Abiezer, that 
strake the stroake : yet the gleaning of grapes of 
Ephraim was not to be despised. See hidges 8. verse a. 77 
loash the king of Israel did not satisfie himselfe, till he 
had smitten the ground three times ; 78 and yet hee 
offended the Prophet, for giuing ouer then. Aquila, of 
whom wee spake before, translated the Bible as care- 
fully, and as skilfully as he could ; and yet he thought 
good to goe ouer it againe, and then it got the credit 
with the lewes, to be called Kara aKptfaiav, that is, accu- 
ratly done, as Saint Hierome witnesseth. 79 How many 
bookes of profane learning haue bene gone ouer againe 
and againe, by the same translators, by others ? Of one 
and the same booke of Aristotks Ethikes, there are 
extant not so few as sixe or seuen seuerall translations. 
Now if this cost may bee bestowed vpon the goord, 
which affordeth vs a little shade, and which to day 
flourisheth, but to morrow is cut downe ; what may we 
bestow, nay what ought we not to bestow vpon the Vine, 

73 S. Epiphan. loco ante citato. 

76 5. Attgustin. lib. 19. de ciuit. Dei c. 7. 

77 Judges 8. 2. 2 Kings 13. 18. 19. 
7B v*?. Hieron. in Iizech. cap. 3. 


the fruite whereof maketh glad the conscience of man, 
and the stemme whereof abideth for euer ? And this is 
the word of God, which we translate. What is the chaff e 
to the wheat, saith the LordP BQ Tanti vitreimi, quanti 
vemtn margaritum- (saith Tertidlian,) if a toy of glasse 
be of that rekoning with vs, how ought wee to value the 
true pearle ? Therefore let no mans eye be euill, because 
his Maiesties is good ; neither let any be grieued, that 
wee haue a Prince that seeketh the increase of the 
spirituall wealth of Israel (let Sariballats and Tobiahs doe 
so, which therefore doe beare their iust reproof e (but let 
vs rather blesse God from the ground of our heart, for 
working this religious care in him, to haue the translations 
of the Bible maturely considered of and examined. 
For by this meanes it comrneth to passe, that whatsoeuer 
is sound alreadie (and all is sound for substance, in one 
or other of our editions, and the worst of ours farre 
better then their autentike vulgar) the same will shine 
as gold more brightly, being rubbed and polished ; also, 
if any thing be halting, or superfluous, or not so agreeable 
to the originall, the same may bee corrected, and the 
trueth set in place. And what can the King command to 
bee done, that will bring him more true honour then this ? 
and wherein could they that haue beene set a worke, 
approue their duetie to the King, yea their obedience to 
God, and loue to his Saints more, then by yeelding their 
seruice, and all that is within them, for the furnishing 
of the worke ? But besides all this, they were the princi- 
pall motiues of it, and therefore ought least to quarrell it : 
for the very Historicall trueth is, that vpon the im- 
portunate petitions of the Puritanes, at his Maiesties 

80 lerem. 23. 28. 

81 Tertitl. fid Martyr. Si tanti vilissimwn v^trwn^ quanti 
pretiosissimum Margaritum : Huron, ad Salum. 


comming to this Crowne, the Conference at Hampton 
Court hauing bene appointed for hearing their com- 
plaints : when by force of reason they were put from all 
other grounds, they had recourse at the last, to this 
shift, that they could not with good conscience subscribe 
to the Communion booke, since it maintained the Bible 
as it was there translated, which was as they said, 
a most corrupted translation. And although this was 
iudged to be but a very poore and emptie shift ; yet euen 
hereupon did his Maiestie beginne to bethinke himselfe 
of the good that might ensue by a new translation, and 
presently after gaue order for this Translation which is 
now presented vnto thee. Thus much to satisfie our 
scrupulous Brethren. 
Now to the later we answere ; that wee doe not deny, 

Anansweretothe na y wee affirme and auow ' that * e 
imputations of our very meanest translation of the Bible in 
aduersaries, English, set foorth by men of our profes- 

sion (for wee haue seene none of theirs of the whole Bible 
as yet) containeth the word of God, nay, is the word of 
God. AstheKingsSpeechwhichheevtteredinParliament, 
being translated into French, D%dch> Italian and Latine, is 
still the Kings Speech, though it be not interpreted by 
euery Translator with the like grace, nor peraduenture so 
fitly for phrase, nor so expresly for sence, euery where. For 
it is confessed, that things are to take their denomination 
of the greater part ; and a naturall man could say, Vertim 
vlimulta nitent in carmine, non ego paucis offendor inaculis, 
&C& A man may be counted a vertuous man, though 
hee haue made many slips in his life, (els, there were none 
vertuous, for in many things we offend all 83 ) also a comely 
man and louely, though hee haue some warts vpon his 
hand, yea, not onely freakles vpon his face, but also 

* a Horace. 8S lames 3. 2. 


skarres. No cause therefore why the word translated 
should bee denied to be the word, or forbidden to be 
currant, notwithstanding that some imperfections and 
blemishes may be noted in the setting foorth of it. For 
what euer was perfect vnder the Sunne, where Apostles 
or Apostolike men, that is, men indued with an extra- 
ordinary measure of Gods spirit, and priuil edged with 
the priuiledge of infallibilitie, had not their hand ? The 
Romanistes therefore in refusing to heare, and daring to 
burne the Word translated, did no lesse then despite the 
spirit of grace, from whom originally it proceeded, and 
whose sense and meaning, as well as mans weakenesse 
would enable, it did expresse. ludge by an example or 
two. Plutarch writeth, 84 that after that Rome had beene 
burnt by the Galles y they fell soone to builde it againe : 
but doing it in haste, they did not cast the streets, nor 
proportion the houses in such comely fashion, as had 
bene most sightly and conuenient ; was Catiline therefore 
an honest man, or a good Patriot, that sought to bring it 
to a combustion ? or Nero a good Prince, that did indeed 
set it on fire ? So, by the story of Ezrah, and the prophesie 
of Haggai it may be gathered, that the Temple built by 
Zerubbabel after the rcturne from Babylon, was by no 
meanes to bee compared to the former built by Solomon 
(for they that remembred the former, wept when they 
considered the later) ** notwithstanding, might this later 
either haue bene abhorred and forsaken by the I ewes, or 
prophaned by the Greekes ? The like wee are to thinke of 
Translations. The translation of the Seuentie dissenteth 
from the Originall in many places, neither doeth it conie 
neere it, for perspicuitie, grauitie, maiestie ; yet which 
of the Apostles did condemne it ? Condemne it ? Nay, 
they vsed it, (as it is apparent, and as Saint Hierome and 
84 Plutarch, in Camilla. " Ezrah 3. 12. 


most learned men doe confesse) which they would not 
haue done, nor by their example of vsing it, so grace and 
commend it to the Church, if it had bene vnworthy the 
appellation and name of the word of God. And whereas 
they vrge for their second defence of their vilifying and 
abusing of the English Bibles, or some pieces thereof, 
which they meete with, for that heretikes (forsooth) were 
the Authours of the translations, (heretikes they call vs 
by the same right that they call themselues Catholikes, 
both being wrong) wee marueile what diuinitie taught 
them so. Wee are sure Tertullian was of another minde : 
Ex personis probamus fidem, an ex fide personas?** Doe 
we trie mens faith by their persons ? we should trie 
their persons by their faith. Also S. Augustine was of 
an other minde ; for he lighting vpon certaine rules made 
by Tychonim a Donaiist, for the better vnderstanding of 
the word, was not ashamed to make vse of them, yea, to 
insert them into his owne booke, with giuing commenda- 
tion to them so farre foorth as they were worthy to be 
commended, as is to be seene in S. Augustines third 
booke De doctrind Christiana. 87 To be short, Origen, and 
the whole Church of God for certain hundred yeeres, were 
of an other minde : for they were so farre from treading 
vnder foote, (much more from burning) the Translation 
of A quite a Proselite, that is, one that had turned lew ; 
of Symmachus, and Theodotion, both Ebionites, that is, 
most vile heretikes, that they ioyned them together with 
the Hebrew Originall, and the Translation of the Seuentie 
(as hath bene before signified out of Epiphanius) and 
set them forth openly to be considered of and perused 
by all. But we weary the vnlearned, who need not 

86 TertuL de prescript, contra hareses. 

87 S. Avgusf. 3. de doct. Christ, cap, 30. 


know so much, and trouble the learned, who know it 
alread3 T . 

Yet before we end, we must answere a third cauill and 
obiection of theirs against vs, for altering and amending 
our Translations so oft ; wherein truely they deale hardly, 
and strangely with vs. For to whom euer was it imputed 
for a fault (by such as were wise) to goe ouer that which 
hee had done, and to amend it where he saw cause ? 
Saint Augustine 88 was not afraide to exhort S. Hierome 
to a Palinodia or recantation ; the same S. Augustine** 
was not ashamed to retractate, we might say reuoke, 
many things that had passed him, and doth euen glory 
that he seeth his infirmities. 90 If we will be sonnes of the 
Trueth, we must consider what it speaketh, and trample 
vpon our owne credit, yea, and vpon other mens too, if 
either be any way an hinderance to it. This to the 
cause : then to the persons we say, that of all men they 
ought to bee most silent in this case. For what varieties 
haue they, and what alterations haue they made, not 
onely of their Seruice bookes, Portesses and Breuiaries, 
but also of their Latine Translation ? The Seruice booke 
supposed to be made by S. Ambrose (Officium Ambro- 
sianum) was a great while in speciall vse and request : 
but Pope Hadrian calling a Councill 91 with the ayde of 
Charles the Emperour, abolished it, yea, burnt it, and 
commanded the Seruice-booke of Saint Gregorie vniuer- 
sally to be vsed. Well, Officium Gregorianwn gets by 
this meanes to be in credit, but doeth it continue without 
change or altering ? No, the very Romane Seruice was of 
two fashions, the New fashion, and the Old, (the one vsed 
in one Church, the other in another) as is to bee seene in 

88 5. Aug. Epist. 9. 88 5. Aug. lib. Retractat. 

90 Video intevdum vttia mea, 5 -Aug. Epist. 8. 

91 Durand. lib. 5. cap* 2. 


Pamelius a Romanist, his Preface, before Micrologus. 
The same Pamelius reporteth out of Radulphus de Riuo, 
that about the yeere of our Lord, 1277. Pope Nicolas the 
third remoued out of the Churches of Rome, the more 
ancient bookes (of Seruice) and brought into vse the 
Missals of the Friers Minorites, and commaunded them 
to bee obserued there ; insomuch that about an hundred 
yeeres after, when the aboue named Radulplms happened 
to be at Rome, he found all the bookes to be new, (of the 
new stampe.) Neither was there this chopping and 
changing in the more ancient times onely, but also of late : 
Pius Quintus himselfe confesseth, that euery Bishopricke 
almost had a peculiar kind of seruice, most vnlike to that 
which others had : which moued him to abolish all other 
Breuiaries, though neuer so ancient, and priuiledged and 
published by Bishops in their Diocesses, and to establish 
and ratifie that onely which was of his owne setting foorth, 
in the yeere 1568. Now, when the father of their Church, 
who gladly would heale the soare of the daughter of his 
people softly and sleightly, and make the best of it, 
iindeth so great fault with them for their oddes and 
iarring ; we hope the children haue no great cause to 
vaunt of their vniformitie. But the difference that 
appeareth betweene our Translations, and our often 
correcting of them, is the thing that wee are specially 
charged with ; let vs see therefore whether they them* 
selues bee without fault this way, (if it be to be counted 
a fault, to correct) and whether they bee fit men to 
throw stones at vs : tandem maior parcas insane 
minori:** they that are lesse sound themselues, ought not 
to obiect infirmities to others. If we should tell them 
that Valla, Stapulensis, Erasmus, and Viues found fault 
with their vulgar Translation, and consequently wished 
* Homt. 


the same to be mended, or a new one to be made, they 
would answere peraduenture, that we produced their 
enemies for witnesses against them ; albeit, they were 
in no other sort enemies, then as 5. Paul was to the 
Galatians^ for telling them the trueth : and it were to 
be wished, that they had dared to tell it them plainlier 
and oftner. But what will they say to this, that Pope 
Leo the Tenth allowed Erasmus Translation of the New 
Testament, so much different from the vulgar, by his 
Apostolike Letter & Bull ; 94 that the same Leo exhorted 
Pagnin to translate the whole Bible, and bare whatsoeuer 
charges was necessary for the worke ? Surely, as the 
Apostle reasoneth to the Hebrewes, that if the former Law 
and Testament had benc sufficient, there had beene no need 
of the latter : 95 so we may say, that if the olde vulgar had 
bene at all points allowable, to small purpose had labour 
and charges bene vndergone, about framing of a new. 
If they say, it was one Popes priuate opinion, and that he 
consulted onely himself e ; then wee are able to goe further 
with them, and to auerre, that more of their chiefe men 
of all sorts, euen their owne IVew^-champions Paiua & 
Vega, and their owne Inquisitors, Hieronymus ab Oleastro, 
and their own Bishop Isidorus Clarius, and their owne 
Cardinall Thomas a Vio Caietan, doe either make new 
Translations themselues, 96 or follow new ones of other 
mens making, or note the vulgar Interpreter for halting ; 
none of them feare to dissent from him, nor yet to except 
against him. And call they this an vniforme tenour of 
text and iudgement about the text, so many of their 
Worthies disclaiming the now receiued conceit ? Nay, 
we wil yet come neerer the quicke : doth not their Paris- 
edition differ from the Louaine, and Hentenius his from 

OJ Galat. 4. 16. 94 Stotus Senens. 

93 licb. 7. zi. & 8. ;. 9b Swtus 5. prafrt. JI 


them both, and yet all of them allowed by authoritie ? 
Nay, doth not Stilus Quintus confesse, that certaine 
Catholikes (he meaneth certaine of his owne side) were 
in such an humor of translating the Scriptures into 
Latine, that Satan taking occasion by them, though they 
thought of no such matter, did striue what he could, out 
of so vncertaine and manifold a varietie of Translations, 
so to mingle all things, that nothing might seeme to be 
left certaine and firme in them, &c ? Nay further, did 
not the same Sixtus ordaine by an inuiolable decree, and 
that with the counsell and consent of his Cardinals, that 
the Latine edition of the olde and new Testament, which 
the Councill of Trent would haue to be authenticke, is the 
same without controuersie which he then set forth, 
being diligently corrected and printed in the Printing- 
house of Vatican ? Thus Sixtus in his Preface before his 
Bible. And yet Clement the eight his immediate succes- 
sour, publisheth another edition of the Bible, containing 
in it infinite differences from that of Sixties, (and many of 
them waightie and materiall) and yet this must be 
authentike by all meanes. What is to haue the faith of 
our glorious Lord IESVS CHRIST with Yea and Nay, if 
this be not ? Againe, what is sweet harmonic and con- 
sent, if this be? Therfore, as Demaratus of Corinth 
aduised a great King, before he talked of the dissensions 
among the Grecians, to compose his domesticke broiles 
(for at that time his Queene and his sonne and heire were 
at deadly fuide with him) so all the while that our aduer- 
saries doe make so many and so various editions them- 
selues, and doe iarre so much about the worth and 
authoritie of them, they can with no show of equitie 
challenge vs for changing and correcting. 

But it is high time to leaue them, and to shew in briefe 
what wee proposed to our selues, and what course \\e 


held in this ourperusall and suruay of the Bible. Truly 

(good Christian Reader) wee neuer _. 

It T.X r- ^ ^ - j.1. x The Purpose of 

thought from the beginning, that we the Translators, 

should neede to make a new Transla- with their number, 
,. , , . , - .. furniture, care, &c. 

tion, nor yet to make of a bad one a 

good one, (for then the imputation of Sixtus had bene 
true in some sort, that our people had bene fed with 
gall of Dragons in stead of wine, with whey in stead 
of milke :) but to make a good one better, or out of 
many good ones, one principall good one, not iustly to 
be excepted against ; that hath bene our indeauour, 
that our marke. To that purpose there were many 
chosen, that were greater in other mens eyes then in 
their owne, and that sought the truth rather then their 
own praise. Againe, they came or were thought to come 
to the worke, not exercendi causa (as one saith) but exer- 
citati, that is, learned, not to learne : For the chiefe 
ouerseer and e/oyoStcoKi^s vnder his Maiestie, to whom not 
onely we, but also our whole Church was much bound, 
knew by his wisedom, which thing also Nazianzen taught 
so long agoe, that it is a preposterous order to teach 
first and to learne after, yea that TO V mOw Kepafuav 
(jLavtiweiv to learne and practise together, is neither 
commendable for the workeman, nor safe for the worke. 
Therefore such were thought vpon, as could say modestly 
with Saint Hierome, Et Hebraum Sermonem ex parte 
didicimus, & in Latino <pene db ipsis incunabulis &c. 
detriti sumus. Both we haue learned the Hebrew tongue in 
part, and in the Latine wee haue beene exercised almost 
from our verie cradle. S. Hierome maketh no mention of 
the Greeke tongue, wherein yet hee did excell, because 
hee translated not the old Testament out of Greeke, but 
out of Hebrewe. And in what sort did these assemble ? 

87 Nazianzen. els fa. tmo-K. vapovff. Idem in Apologet. 



In the trust of their owne knowledge, or of their sharpe- 
nesse of wit, or deepenesse of iudgement, as it were in an 
arme of flesh ? At no hand. They trusted in him that 
hath the key of Dauid, opening and no man shutting ; 
they prayed to the Lord the Father of our Lord, to the 
effect that S. Augustine did ; let thy Scriptures be my 
pure delight, let me not be deceived in them, neither let me 
deceiue by them. 9 * In this confidence, and with this 
deuotion did they assemble together ; not too many, 
lest one should trouble another ; and yet many, lest 
many things haply might escape them. If you aske 
what they had before them, truely it was the Hebrew text 
of the Olde Testament, the Greeke of the New, These 
are the two golden pipes, or rather conduits, where 
through the oliue branches emptie themselues into the 
golde. Saint Augustine calleth them precedent, or 
originall tongues ; " Saint Hierome, fountaines. 100 The 
same Saint Hierome affirmeth, 101 and Gratian hath not 
spared to put it into his Decree. That, as the credit of the 
olde Bookes (he meaneth of the Old Testament) is to be 
tryed by the Hebrewe Volumes, so of the New by the 
Greeke tongue, he meaneth by the originall Greeke. If 
trueth be to be tried by these tongues, then whence should 
a Translation be made, but out of them ? These tongues 
therefore, the Scriptures wee say in those tongues, wee 
set before vs to translate, being the tongues wherein God 
was pleased to speake to his Church by his Prophets and 
Apostles. Neither did we run ouer the worke with that 
posting haste that the Septuagint did, if that be true 
which is reported of them, that they finished it in 72 

88 S. Aug. lib. ii. Confess, cap. 2. 

89 S. August. 3. de doctr. c. 3, d>c. 

100 S. Hieron. ad Suniam < FreteL 

101 5. Hieron. ad Lucinium, Dist. 9 vt vetemm. 


dayes ; loa neither were we barred or hindered from going 
ouer it againe, hauing once done it, like S. Hierome, m if 
that be true which himselfe reporteth, that he could no 
sooner write any thing, but presently it was caught from 
him, and published, and he could not haue leaue to mend 
it : neither, to be short, were we the first that fell in hand 
with translating the Scripture into English, and conse- 
quently destitute of former helpes, as it is written of 
Origen, that hee was the first in a maner, that put his 
hand to write Commentaries vpon the Scriptures, and 
therefore no marueile, if he ouershot himselfe many times. 
None of these things : the worke hath not bene hudled 
vp in 72. dayes, but hath cost the workemen, as light as 
it seemeth, the paines of twise seuen times seuentie two 
dayes and more : matters of such weight and consequence 
are to bee speeded with maturitie : for in a businesse of 
moment a man feareth not the blame of conuenient 
slacknesse. 104 Neither did wee thinke much to consult 
the Translators or Commentators, Chaldee, Hebrewe, 
Syrian, Greeke, or Latine, no nor the Spanish, French, 
Italian, or Dutch ; neither did we disdaine to reuise that 
which we had done, and to bring backe to the anuill that 
which we had hammered : but hauing and vsing as great 
helpes as were needfull, and fearing no reproch for slow- 
nesse, nor coueting praise for expedition, wee haue at the 
length, through the good hand of the Lord vpon us, 
brought the worke to that passe that you see. 

Some peraduenture would haue no varietie of sences to 
be set in the margine, lest the authoritie of the Scriptures 
for deciding of controuersies by that shew of vncer- 
taintie, should somewhat be shaken. But we hold their 

102 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. 

10IJ S. Hteron. ad Pammac. pro libr. aduevs. lomnian irpaaruirtipot. 

101 #Aer ycip QWtiv vpnyp? Wip irpaffffav ptya. SopfiOG. in Elect, 



iuclgmet not to be so sound in this point. For though, 

Reasons mouing w**tso* tilings are necessary are 

vs to set diuersitie manifest, as S. Chrysostome saith, 105 

of sences in the and as ^ Augustine?** In those things 
margin, wnere . 

there is great pro- that are plainely set downe in the Scrip- 

lability for each. tuy ^ M such mat i ers are f oun d that 

cojiceme Faith, hope, and Charitie. Yet for all that it 
cannot be dissembled, that partly to exercise and whet 
our wits, partly to weane the curious from loathing of them 
for their euery-where-plainenesse, partly also to stirre vp 
our deuotion to craue the assistance of Gods spirit by 
prayer, and lastly, that we might be forward to seeke 
ayd of our brethren by conference, and neuer scorne 
those that be not in all respects so complete as they 
should bee, being to seeke in many things our selues, 
it hath pleased God in his diuine prouidence, heere 
and there to scatter wordes and sentences of that 
difficultie and doubtfulnesse, not in doctrinall points that 
concerne saluation, (for in such it hath beene vouched 
that the Scriptures are plaine) but in matters of lesse 
moment, that fearefulnesse would better beseeme vs then 
confidence, and if we will resolue, to resolue vpon modes- 
tie with S. Augustine, (though not in this same case 
altogether, yet vpon the same ground) Melius est dubitare 
de occultis, quam litigare de incertis?* it is better to make 
doubt of those things which are secret, then to striue 
about those things that are vncertaine. There be many 
words in the Scriptures, which be neuer found there but 
once, (hauing neither brother nor neighbour, as the 
Hebrewes speake) so that we cannot be holpen by con- 
ference of places. Againe, there be many rare names of 

105 wavra ra Avayaoua 8?Aa. S. Chrysost. in 2. Thess. cap. 2. 

108 5. Aug. 2. de doctr. Christ, cap. 9. 

107 S. August* h. 8. fo Genes, ad liter, cap. 5. 


certaine birds, beastes and precious stones, &c. concern- 
ing which the Hebrewes themselues are so diuided among 
themselues for iudgement, that they may seeme to haue 
defined this or that, rather because they would say som- 
thing, the because they were sure of that which they said, 
as 5. Hierome somewhere saith of the Scpluagint. Now 
in such a case, doth not a margine do well to admonish 
the Reader to seeke further, and not to conclude or dogma- 
tize vpon this or that peremptorily ? For as it is a fault 
of incredulitie, to doubt of those things that are euident : 
so to determine of such things as the Spirit of God hath 
left (euen in the iudgment of the iudicious) questionable, 
can be no lesse then presumption. Therfore asS. Augus- 
tine saith, 108 that varietie of Translations is profitable for 
the finding out of the sense ol the Scriptures : so diuersitie 
of signification and sense in the margine, where the text 
is not so cleare, must needes doe good, yea, is necessary, 
as we are perswaded. We know that Sixtus Quintus 
expresly forbiddeth, that any varietie of readings of 
their vulgar edition, should be put in the margine, (which 
though it be not altogether the same thing to that we 
haue in hand, yet it looketh that way) but we thinke he 
hath not all of his owne side his fauourers, for this 
conceit. They that are wise, had rather haue their 
iudgements at libertie in differences of readings, then to 
be captiuated to one, when it may be the other. If they 
were sure that their hie Priest had all lawes shut vp in 
his brest, as Paul the second bragged, 110 and that he were 
as free from errourbyspeciall priuiledge, as the Dictators 
of Rome were made by law inuiolable, it were an other 
matter; then his word were an Oracle, his opinion 
a decision. But the eyes of the world are now open 

108 S. Aug. 2. de doctr. Christian, cap. 14. 

100 Sixtus 5. pv&f. Biblia* 110 Paulo secmdo. 


God be thanked, and haue bene a great while, they find 
that he is subiect to the same affections and infirmities 
that others be, that his skin is penetrable, 111 and there- 
fore so much as he prooueth, not as much as he claimeth, 
they grant and embrace. 

An other thing we thinbe good to admonish thee of 
(gentle Reader) that wee haue not tyed our selues to an 
vniformitie of phrasing, or to an identitie of words, as 
some peraduenture would wish that we had done, 
because they obserue, that some learned men some where, 
haue beene as exact as they could that way. Truly, that 
we might not varie from the sense of that which we had 
translated before, if the word signified the same thing 
in both places U2 (for there bee some wordes that bee 
not of the same sense euery where) we were especially 
carefull, and made a conscience, according to our duetie. 
But, that we should expresse the same notion in the 
same particular word ; as for example, if we translate 
the Hebrew or Greeke word once by Purpose, neuer to 
call it Intent ; if one where Tourneying, neuer Traueiling ; 
if one where Thinke, neuer Suppose ; if one where Paine, 
neuer Ache ; if one where Ioy } neuer Gladmsse, &c. 
Thus to minse the matter, wee thought to sauour more 
of curiositie then wisedonie, and that rather it would 
breed scorne in the Atheist, then bring profite to the 
godly Reader. For is the kingdome of God become words 
or syllables ? why should wee be in bondage to them 
if we may be free, vse one precisely when wee may vse 
another no lesse fit, as commodiously ? A godly Father 
in the Primitiue time shewed himselfe greatly moued, 11 '' 1 
that one of newfanglenes called /c/>a/?/?arov a*i/rous, though 

111 fyozon-a0r)s. rfanrfo 7' of xp&s fort. 

113 Abed. Niceph. Catisf. lib. 8. cap. 42. 


tlic difference be little or none ; and another reporteth, 114 
that he was much abused for turning CucwlUa (to which 
reading the people had beene vsed) into Hedem. Now 
if this happen in better times, and vpon so small occasions, 
wee might iustly feare hard censure, if generally wee 
should make verball and vnnecessary changings. We 
might also be charged (by scoffers) with some vnequall 
dealing towards a great number of good English wordes. 
For as it is written of a certaine great Philosopher, that 
he should say, that those logs were happie that were 
made images to be worshipped ; for their fellowes, as 
good as they, lay for blockes behinde the fire : so if wee 
should say, as it were, vnto certaine words, Stand vp 
higher, haue a place in the Bible alwayes, and to others 
of like qualitie, Get ye hence, be banished for euer, wee 
might be taxed peraduenture with S. lames his words, 
namely, To be partiall in our selves and iudges of euill 
thoughts. Adde hereunto, that nicenesse in wordes 115 was 
alwayes counted the next step to trifling, 116 and so was to 
bee curious about names too : 117 also that we cannot 
follow a better patterne for elocution then God himselfe ; 
therefore hee vsing diuers words, in his holy writ, and 
indifferently for one thing in nature : we, if wee will not 
be superstitious, may vse the same libertie in our English 
versions out of Hebrew & Greeke, for that copie or store 
that he hath giuen vs. Lastly, wee haue on the one side 
auoided the scrupulositie of the Puritanes, who leaue the 
olde Ecclesiasticall words, and betake them to other, as 
when they put washing for Baptisme, and Congregation in 
stead of Church : as also on the other side we haue 

111 S. Hievon* in. 4. Ion&. See 5. A ug. cpist : 10. 
115 \6irToA-07ta. uo aSoteffxia. 

117 r6 airovddfciv kirl fyofuuri. See Euwb. rrpoitapafffew. li. 12. ex 


shunned the obscuritie of the Papists, in their Azimes 
Tunike, Rational, Hokcausts, Pmpme, Pasche, and a 
number of such like, whereof their late Translation is full, 
and that of purpose to darken the sence, that since they 
must needs translate the Bible, yet by thelanguage thereof, 
it may bee kept from being vnderstood. But we desire 
that the Scripture may speake like it selfe, as in the 
language of Canaan, that it may bee vnderstood euen 
of the very vulgar. 

Many other things we might giue thee warning of (gentle 
Reader) if wee had not exceeded the measure of a Preface 
alreadie. It remaineth, that we commend thee to God, 
and to the Spirit of his grace, which is able to build 
further then we can aske or thinke. Hee remoueth the 
scales from our eyes, the vaile from our hearts, opening 
our wits that wee may vnderstand his word, enlarging 
our hearts, yea correcting our affections, that we may 
loue it aboue gold and siluer, yea that we may loue it 
to the end. Ye are brought vnto fountaines oi liuing 
water which yee digged not ; doe not cast earth into 
them with the Philistines, 118 neither preferre broken pits 
before them with the wicked lewes. 119 Others haue 
laboured, and you may enter into their labours ; re- 
ceiue not so great things in vaine, despise not so great 
saluation ! Be not like swine to treade vnder foote so 
precious things, neither yet like dogs to teare and abuse 
holy tilings. Say not to our Sauiour with the Gergesites, 
Depart out of our coasts ; 12 neither yet with Esau sell 
your birthright for a messe of potage. 121 If light be come 
into the world, loue not darkenesse more then light ; if 
foode, if clothing be offered, goe not naked, starue not 

118 Gen. 26. 15. " lerem. 2. 13. 12 Matth. 8. 34, 

" l Hebr. i 2 i<5. 


your selues. Remember the aduise of Nazianzene^ It is 
a grieuo^ls thing (or dangerous) to neglect a great faire, and 
to seeke to make markets afterwards : also the encourage- 
ment of S. Chrysostome^ It is altogether impossible, that he 
that is sober (and watchfull) should at any time be neg- 
lected'. Lastly, the admonition and menacing of S. 
Augustine?** They that despise Gods will inuiting them, 
shal feele Gods will taking vengeance of them. It is a 
fearefull thing to fall into the hands of the liuing God ; 
but 125 a blessed thing it is, and will bring vs to euer- 
lasting blessedness in the end, when God speaketh vnto 
vs, to hearken ; when he setteth his word before vs, to 
reade it ; when hee stretcheth out his hand and calleth, to 
answere, Here am I ; here we are to doe thy will, O 
God. The Lord worke a care and conscience in vs to know 
him and serue him, that we may be acknowledged of him 
at the appearing of our Lord lesus Christ, to whom 
with the holy Ghost, be all prayse and thankesgiuing. 

123 Nazianz. irepl dy. &a.-nr. Sfivov vavriyvpiv naptMetv fcal rrjvifcavra 
irpayfJtareiav iirtfarctv, 

123 S. Chrysost. in epist. ad Ttom. Cap. 14. orat. 26. in ijOuc. 
dfJL-fjx^vov <r<j>6dpa df^x avov - 

121 S. August, ad artic. sibi falsi obiect. Artie. 16. 

l8 * Heb. 10. 31. 


Abbot, George, Dean of West- 
minster, 52. 

JElfric, 3. 

Aglionby, J., 53. 

Alley, William, Bishop of 
Exeter, 30. 

Andrewes, Lancelot, Bishop of 
Winchester, 49. 

Andrewes, Roger, 50, 51. 

Antwerp, printing at, 7-10, 14, 
3<5 92, 135-49, 169, 170, 175, 
184, 185, 198, 200, 225. 

Antwerp Polyglott, the, 61. 

Allen, Cardinal, 33, 34, 36, 

Amsterdam, 74. 

Anderson, Christopher, 104. 

Authorized Version of 1611 : 
history of its production, 37- 
64 ; list of the translators, 
495 3 ; rules observed in the 
translation, 53-5 ; contem- 
porary account by one of the 
revisers 7 55-6 ; payment of 
translators, 56-7 ; was this 
Version ever authorized ? 
58-60 ; bibliographical de- 
scription, 6 1 6 ; later his- 
tory, 65-76 ; Bishop Ban- 
crpit circulates a letter from 
King James as to provision 
for the translators, 331-4; 
Bancroft's exhortation to 
the Bishops to subscribe, 
334 ; account of the making 
of the version laid before the 
Synod of Dort, 336-9 ; the 
translators' Preface to the 
Reader, 340-77. 

Awdeley, Lord Chancellor, 231. 

Badius, Conrad, printer of 

Geneva, 25. 
Ball, William, 57. 

Bancroft, Richard, Bishop of 
London : his interest in the 
1611 version, 47-8, 58, cir- 
culates a letter from King 
James to procure provision 
tor the translators of the 
1611 version, 331-3; his 
exhortation to the Bishops 
to subscribe, 334-5. 

Baptist College, Bristol, 5. 

Barker, Charles, printer, 57. 

Barker, Christopher, printer : 
prints the Geneva version 
and the Bishops' Bible, 41- 
4 ; licensed to print Bibles 
and gives satisfaction to 
Richard Jugge, 318-22 ; 
establishes his monopoly of 
Bible printing, 42-3, 322-6 ; 
his circular to the City Com- 
panies, 326-9 ; his agree- 
ment with the Bible Stock, 


Barker, Matthew, printer, 57. 

Barker, Robert (son of Christo- 
pher Barker), printer, 44 ; 
said to have paid for the 
translation of the 1611 ver- 
sion, 57 ; its first printer, 62, 
68, 74. 

Barker, Robert (2), printer, 57. 

Barlow, Jerome, 120. 

Barlow, William, Bishop oi 
Chichester, 30, 47. 

Barlow, William, Dean of 
Chester, 52, 3. 

Baskett, J., printer, 75. 

Becon, Thomas, 31. 

Bed well, William, 49, 50. 

Bentham, Thomas, Bishop of 
Coventry and Lichfield, 31. 

Bergen-op-Zoom, 175. 

Berthelet, Thomas, printer, 23, 
24, 163, 169, 243. 


Beza, 28, 41, 303. 

Bible, the English : prohibition 
of English translations from 
the time of Wyclif unless 
authorized by a Bishop or 
a Provincial Council, 3, 79- 
Si ; Sir Thomas More on 
prohibition, 81-3 ; More's 
plan for a limited circula- 
tion, 84-6 ; the printing of 
the first New Testaments, 
99-108 ; the news sent to 
the King, 108-110; epis- 
copal prohibition, 131-5 ", 
the search for English New 
Testaments at Antwerp, 
135-49 ; the Bishop of Lon- 
don's attempt to buy up the 
translation, 150-3 ; Nix, 
Bishop of Norwich, refunds 
the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury part of his outlay on 
New Testaments, 153-5 ;the 
confession of Robert Necton 
as to buying and selling New 
Testame'nts, 1 5 5-9 ; Bishop 
Nix implores the King's help 
in suppression, 159-61 ; the 
King consults his Council 
and the Bishops, 161-3 ; the 
King's Proclamation, for- 
bidding the translation and 
possession of Holy Scripture 
in the English tongue, 163-9; 
the Bishops' petition for an 
English Bible, 9, 175-7 ; the 
projected Version, 196-8 ; 
Fox's account of the first 
Bibles, 223-32 ; King's Pro- 
clamation, forbidding im- 
portation without licence, 
240-2 ; patent for Bible 
printing granted to Crom- 
well, 258-9; King's Pro- 
clamation for the English 
Bible to be set up in churches 
261-5 ; Draft for a Pro- 
clamation as to the reading 
of the Bible in churches, 
265-6 ; an admonition by 
the Bishop of London to all 

readers, 267-8 ; narrative 
of William Maldon, per- 
secuted by his father for 
reading the Scripture, 268- 
71 ; the Great Bible con- 
demned in Convocation, 272- 
5 5 Jugge and Barker as 
Bible printers, and the Com- 
pany of Stationers, 313-14; 
the beginning of the Bible 
Stock, 41, 314-15 ; the Bible 
I Stock in 1606, 335 ; Christo- 
pher Barker's licence and his 
satisfaction to Jugge, 318- 
22 ; Barker establishes his 
monopoly, 322-6 ; Barker's 
circular to the City Com- 
panies, 326-9 ; Draft for an 
Act of Parliament for a new 
version of the Bible, 329- 
31 ; attempt to provide for 
the translators of the 1611 
version, 331-4. 

See also under Authorized 
Version ; Bishops' Bible ; 
Coverdale ; Douai Version ; 
Great Bible ; Geneva Bible ; 
Matthew ; Rheims New 
Testament; Tyndale ; Wy- 

Bible Society : rare editions of 
English Bibles in possession 
of, 73, 74- 

Bickley, Thomas, 32. 

Bilson, Bishop of Winchester, 

Birckmann, Arnold, 101, 106. 

Birckmann, Francis, 136, 158. 

Bishops' Bible : history of its 
production, 29-33, 4i 43, 
44 ; list of the revisers, 
30-1 ; the petition of Con- 
vocation for an English 
translation, 175-7 ; the pro- 
jected version approved by 
Cromwell, 196-8 ; Commit- 
tee appointed to examine 
former translations, 273-4 ; 
letter from the Bishop of Ely 
to Cecil, 287 ; Parker in- 
vites Cecil to take part in 



the revision, 287-8 ; Strype's 
summary of other correspon- 
dence as to preparation of 
the Bible, 288-91 ; Parker 
announces to Cecil the com- 
pletion of the work, 291-2 ; 
presentation of the Bible to 
Queen Elizabeth and story 
of the revision, 37, 292-5 ; 
Parker's note as to the 
translators, 295-7 J rules ob- 
served in translation, 297. 

Blayney, Dr., of Oxford, revises 
the 1611 text, 76. 

Bodley, John, receives an ex- 
clusive patent for printing 
the Geneva Bible for seven 
years, 27, 28, 284-5 5 asks 
for an extension of the privi- 
lege, 39 ; Parker and Grindal 
recommend extension, 285-6. 

Boel, Cornelis, 62. 

Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of 
London : promotes the print- 
ing of the Bible in English, 
21, 223-31, 240 ; changes his 
views, 231 ; his admonition 
to all readers of the Bible 
in the English tongue, 267-8. 

Boys, Dr. John, 50, 52, 55, 56, 
60, 75* 

Branthwait, Dr. William, 50, 


Brett, Richard, 50, 51. 
Bristow, Richard, 34. 
British Museum, rare editions 

of the Scriptures at, 8, 10, 


Bucer, Martin, 24. 
Bugenhagcn, Johann, 100, 104. 
Burleigh, Lord, 33. 
Bullingham, Nicholas, Bishop 

of Lincoln, 31. 
Barley, Dr. Francis, 49, 50. 
Byng, Andrew, 50, 51. 

Calvin, 24. 

Cambridge, 56, 75, 161, 164. 
Campion, Edmund, 34. 
Canterbury, Synod of, 176. 
Carleton, Dr. James G., 37. 

Castillon, French Ambassador 

in England, 249, 251. 
Caxton, William, 2, 3. 
Cecil, Sir William, 29, 37, 39, 

286-8, 290. 

Chaderton, Laurence, 50, 51. 
Charles V, Emperor, 251. 
Cheke, Sir John : his version 

of the New Testament, 335. 
Christiern, King of Denmark, 

99, 104. 

Clark, Dr. Richard, 49, 50. 
Cochlaeus : see Dobneck. 
Cologne, printing at, 4, 5, 99, 

102, 104, 106, III, 122, 156. 

Conbtantine, George, 152-3, 

Coverdale, Miles : his version 
of the Bible, 10-14 ; finan- 
cial help given by Jacob van 
Meteren, 12, 198-200 ; edits 
the Great Bible, 17, 226, 229, 
234, 247 ; Coverdale' s ac- 
count of his work, 17-19, 
200-6, 234-6, 237-40, 245-6 ; 
his Latin-English New Testa- 
ment, following the Vulgate 
text, 206-14, 224, 232, 243, 


Cox, Richard, Bishop of Ely : 
assists in translation of the 
Bishops 1 Bible, 29, 31, 287, 

Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop 
of Canterbury : shows fa- 
vour to Matthew's Bible, 16, 
214-8, 221-2, 228 ; con- 
nexion with the Bishops' 
Bible, 177, 197-8 ; writes 
Prologue to second edition of 
the Great Bible, 22-3 ; dis- 
cusses price and copyright of 
the Great Bible, 257-8. 

Crispin, John, 39. 

Cromwell, Richard, 244. 

Cromwell, Thomas, Earl of 
Essex : encourages Bible 
translation, 15, 16, 170; 
favours the publication of 
Matthew's Bible, 16, 214- 
22, 228 ; provides funds 



lor the Great Bibles, 17 ; his 
interest in the work, 18-20, 
206, 323, 227, 229, 232, 234- 
40, 243-58 ; his injunctions 
lor setting up the Bible in 
the churches, 21, 261-2 ; 
secures the patent for print- 
ing, 23, 258-9 ; his arrange- 
ments for translation of the 
New Testament, 196; his 
fall from power, 339-31. 
Curtis, Thomas, 76. 

Dakins, William, 53, 53. 
Davidson, Dr., Archbishop of 

Canterbury, 66. 
Davies, Richard, Bishop of 

St. David's, 30, 290. 
Day, John, printer, 174. 
Demetrius, Emanuel, 198-9. 
de Montmorency, Anne, Con- 

stable of France, 240, 249, 

354, 255. 

de Valera, Ciprianp, 61. 
Dillingham, Francis, 50, 51. 
Diodati, 61. 
Dobneck, Johann (Cochlaeus), 

4, 5, 99, 102, 103, 105, 107. 
Port, 74; Synod of, 56, 58, 

Douai, English College at, 33, 

Douai Version of the Old Testa- 

ment, 36-7. 

Downes, Andrew, 50, 52, 55, 61. 
Duff, Mr. Gordon, 135-6, 220. 
Duport, Dr. John, 50, 51. 

Edward VI, 24, 47, 121. 
Edwin, Bishop of Worcester, 

Elizabeth, Queen, 25, 27, 28, 

45 ; presentation of the 

Bible to, 29, 292-5. 

Elles, Richard, Dean of Wor- 
cester, 52. 

Emmerson, Margaret van, 92. 

Emperour, Martin (otherwise 
Martin Caesar or Keysere), 
printer of Antwerp, 8, 10. 

Endhoven, Catharyn, 184, 185. 

Endhovcu, CliiibtoJftel van, 
printer oJt Antwerp, 7, 8, 135, 
143, 146, 158, 191. 

Endhoven, Hans van, 191. 

Erasmus, 4, 5, 17, 35, 87, 96. 

Fagius, Paul, 24. 
Fairclough, Richard, 50, 51. 
Fenton, Roger, 52, 53. 
Fish, Simon, 155, 158, 165. 
Fisher, Bishop, 103. 
Fogny, John, printer of Rheims, 

Fox/John, 19, 38, 86, no, 136, 

Francis I, King ol France : 
permits the Great Bible to 
be printed in Paris, 223, 226 ; 
his licence to Grafton and 
Whitchurch, 232-4. 

Frankfort, 100, 105, 170. 

Frith, John, 165, I73-4J his 
friendship with Tyndale, 89, 
no, in ; defends Tyndale 
and his work against More, 

Froschouer, Christopher, prin- 
ter of Zurich, 12, 13. 

Fry, Francis, 70. 

Fulke, Dr. William, 37. 

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of 
Winchester, 20, 196, 227, 

Garvais, Friar Henry, 246, 248. 

Geneva Bible, 24-8 ; printed 
in London, 39 ; excluded by 
Parker, 40, 44, 74 ; its popu- 
larity, 43-5, 73-4; Preface 
to the Geneva New Testa- 
ment, 275-9 ; Preface to 
the Geneva Bible, 279-84 ; 
! privilege and licence to 
John Bodley for printing 
the Geneva Bible for seven 
years, 27, 28, 284-5 ; Bodley 
seeks renewal of privilege, 
39, 38S-6. 

Gilby, Anthony, 27. 

Gilford, Sir Henry, 87. 

Ginsburg, Dr. Christian, 12, 13. 



Goad, Dr., 75. 

Gold, Henry, 122. 

Goodman, Gabriel, Dean of 
Westminster, 31. 

Grafton, Richard, grocer and 
printer, 195, 265 ; arranges 
for publication ol Matthew's 
Bible, 15, 17, 218-22, 230; 
and of the Great Bible, 21, 
23, 66, 223-40, 243-5 ; the 
French King's licence to 
print in Paris, 232-4. t 

Gray, William, 235, 237. 

Greenwich, 260. 

Great Bible, 17-24, 28, 32, 33 ; 
Fox's account of the print- 
ing of the edition of 1539, 
19-20, 223-32 ; the French 
King's licence to Grafton 
and Whitchurch, 232-4 ; re- 
ports as to progress, 17-19, 
22, 234-40, 243-6 ; Bishop 
Bonner's support, 19, 240 ; 
Bibles confiscated, and cita- 
tion of Fran9ois Regnault for 
printing the Bible in Paris, 
246-8 ; letters from the 
French Ambassador in Eng- 
land to the Constable of 
France, 18, 249-51, 255-6; 
letter from the Imperial Am- 
bassador in England to the 
Emperor Charles V, 251-3; 
letter from the Grand Con- 
stable of France to the French 
Ambassador in England, 254 ; 
price and copyright of the 
Bible, 22, 257 ; patent for 
selling the Bible granted to 
Anthony Marler, 260-1 ; Pre- 
face by Cranmer. 22-3 ; con- 
demned in Convocation, 

Grindal, Edmund, Bishop of 
London, supports Bodley's 
privilege to print Geneva 
Bibles, 27, 39 ; one of the 
translators of the Bishop's 
Bible, 31 ; suspension of, 43. 

Guest, Bishop of Rochester, 31, 

Haberdashers' Company, 21. 
Hackett, John : searches at 

Antwerp for English New 

Testaments and heretical 

books, 92, 135-49- 
Haghen, Godfnd van der, 9. 
Halle's Chronicle, 15, 195. 
Hamburg, 4, 10, 170, 228. 
Hampton Court Conference, 

45-7, 58. 

Harding, Dr. John, 50, 51. 
Harmer, John, 52, 53. 
Harrison, Luke, 41. 
Harrison, R., printer, 28. 
Harrison, Thomas, 50, 51. 
Hebblethwayte, William, 87, 


Henry VIII, 24, 47, 99, 102, 
104 ; his Answer to Martin 
Luther, 117-8 ; consults his 
Council and the Bishops as 
to surreptitious translations, 
161-3 ; endeavours to get 
Tyndale to retract, 169 ; the 
petition of Convocation to, 
*75~7 5 Coyerdale's dedica- 
tion of his Latin-English 
New Testament to, 206 ; 
Matthew's Bible dedicated to, 
215, 228 ; favours the pro- 
duction of the Great Bible, 
223 ; his Proclamation for- 
bidding the circulation of 
books without licence, 240- 
2 ; his Proclamation for the 
English Bible to be set up in 
churches, 261-5 5 Draft Pro- 
clamation as to reading the 
Bible, 265-6. 

Heze, Dietrich, 102, 106. 

Hogenberg, Franciscus, 32. 

Holbein, Hans, engraves title- 
page for the Great Bible, 

Holland, Dr. Thomas, 50, 51. 

Hollybush, Johau, 136, 158, 
206, 220. 

Home, Robert, Bishop of Win- 
chester, 30. 

Hutchinson, Dr. Ralph, 52, 53. 

Hutten, L., 53. 


James I : calls together the 
Hampton Court Conference, 
45-58 ; pushes forward the 
work of revision, 48 ; his 
order for translation, 49-54 ; 
endeavours to secure pay- 
ment lor the translators, 

Jerome, St., 35, 36. 

John of Trevisa, 2. 

Jones, Hugh, Bishop of Llan- 
datt, 31. 

Joye, George, 152, 162; edits 
an unauthorized version of 
Tyndale's New Testament, 
6-8 ; seeks to obtain a licence 
from the King to translate 
Scripture, 174-5 ; Tyndale 
complains of Joye's unau- 
thorized revision of his trans- 
lation of the New Testament, 
178-84 ; Joye's answer, 185- 
7 ; reconciliation and fresh 
quarrel, 188-95. 

Juda, Leo, 12, 28. 

Jugge, John, printer, 42. 

Jugge, Richard, printer, 42, 
59 ; commended for his 
printing of the Bishops ' Bible, 
33 ; monopoly secured to 
him, 40-1 ; dispute with the 
Stationers' Company, 313-4 ; 
beginning of the Bible Stock, 
314-8 ; Barker's satisfac- 
tion to Jugge, 318-22. 

Junius, Franciscus, 61. 

Kilbye, Dr. Richard, 50, 51. 
King, Geoffrey, 50. 
Kingdon, Dr., 232. 
Knox, T. F., 298, 299. 

Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of 

Worcester, 262. 
Laud, Archbishop, 66. 
Lawney, Thomas, 196-8. 
Layfield, Dr. John, 49, 50. 
Lee, Edward, Archbishop of 

York, 108. 

Leicester, Earl of, 32, 291. 
Lively, Edward, 50. 

Lobley, Michael, 225. 

Luft, Hans, printer, 10, 92, 

Luther, Martin, 5, 10, 91, 99 

100, 104-6, 108-9, 117, 126- 

7, 129, 172, 202. 
Lynne, Walter, printer, 121. 

Mainz, 5, 102, 107. 
i Maldon, William, narrative of, 
| 268-71. 
! Marburg, 92, 170. 
i Margaret of Savoy, 136. 
1 Manllac, Charles, French Am- 
I bassador in England, 254, 

' 2 S5- 

; Marler, Anthony, gives finan- 
cial support towards the 
production of the Great 
Bible, 21 ; concerned in its 
sale, 22, 260-1. 

Martin, Gregory, 34, 36, 37. 

Mary, Queen, 24. 

Matthew, Thomas : his version 
of the Bible, 14-17, 18 ; 
Cranmer recommends the 
version to Cromwell, 214-7 J 
Graf ton's arrangements for 
publication, 218-22 ; Foxe's 
account of, 228-9. 

Mede, Dr. Joseph, 75. 

Meteren, Cornelius van, 200. 

Meteren, Emanuel van, 198-9. 

Meteren, Jacob van : story of 
financial help given by him 
to Coverdale in the produc- 
tion of the 1535 Bible, 12, 

Monmouth, H., 4, 88. 

Montanus, Arias, 61. 

More, Sir Thomas : his Dia- 
logue on the prohibition of 
English translations of the 
Scriptures, 81-4 ; his glan 
for a limited circulation, 
84-6; criticizes Tyndale's 
translation, 126-31 ; his con- 
troversy with Tyndale, 162, 
172-3, 175. 

Mummuth, H., see Monmouth. 

Munster, Sebastian, 17, 28, 298. 



Necton, "Robert, in ; confes- 
sion as to buying and selling 
New Testaments in English, 

I3S, 155-9. 

Necton, Thomas, 155. 

New Testament : see Bible. 

Nicholas of Hereford, i. 

Nicholson, James, printer, ot 
Southwark, 13, 14, 136, 206, 
2.20, 243. 

Nix, Richard, Bishop of Nor- 
wich : refunds the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury part 
of his outlay on New Testa- 
ments, 153 ; implores the 
King's help, 159-61. 

Norton, William, printer, 41. 

Nuremberg, 100, 105. 

Ohvetan, 28. 
Ortelius, Abraham, 200. 
Osiander, Andreas, 100, 105. 
Overall, John, Bishop of Coven- 
try, 49. 
Oxford, 1-3, 56, 75-6, 79, 164. 

Packington, Augustine, buys 
up Tyndale's translation of 
the New Testament, 150-2. 

Pagninus, S. f 28. 

Paris, printing at, 198, 223-36, 

Paris, Dr. Thomas, of Cam- 
bridge, revises the 1611 text, 

Parker, Matthew, Archbishop 
of Canterbury : his attitude 
towards the Genevan ver- 
sion, 27, 28, 39, 40, 44 J tos 
interest in the Bishops' 
Bible, 30-1, 39, 59, 290; 
commends Jugge, 32, 37, 
40 ; announces to Cecil com- 
pletion of the Bishops' Bible, 
291-4 ; presents the Bible 
to Queen Elizabeth, 294-5 5 
his note as to the translators, 

' 295-8. 

Parkhurst, John, Bishop of 
Salisbury, 30, 290. 

Perin, Dr. John, 52, 53. 

Perne, Andrew, Dean oE Ely, 


Petit, T., printer, 23, 24. 
Pierson, Andrew, 30. 
Plomer, Mr. H. R., vi, 22, 57, 


Pocock, Mr. N., 74. 
Pole, Cardinal, 18. 
Poyntz, Thomas, 9, 15, 232. 
Puritans and the Hampton 

Court Conference, 45-7. 
Purvey, John, i, 2. 

Quentell, Peter, printer of 
Cologne, 5, 101, 106, in. 

Rabbett, Michael, 52, 53. 

Radclifle, Dr. Jeremiah, 50, 

Raimond, John, printer, 135. 

Ravens, Dr., 52, 53. 

Ravis, Thomas, Dean of Christ 
Church, 52. 

Rebul, Antoine, 27. 

Redman, R. 9 printer, 23. 

Reguault, Francois, printer of 
Paris, 17, 239; cited for 
printing the Great Bible, 

Reynolds, Dr. John, 45-7, 50, 

Rheims New Testament, 33-7 ; 
its inception, 298-300 ; story 
of the translation, from the 
Preface, 301-13. 

Richardson, Dr. John, 50, 51. 

Ridley, Robert, criticizes Tyn- 
dale's version of the New 
Testament, in, 122-6. 

Rinck, Hermann, 103, 107, 

Rivington, Mr. Charles, 313, 


Rogers, John, 15, 228. 
Roy, William, 4 ; his quarrel 

withTyndale, 119-21. 
Rupert, Abbot of Deutz, 100, 

102, 105, 106. 
Ruremond, Hans van, printer 

of Antwerp, 9, 135-6, 158, 




St. Paul's, London, 5, 79, 177, 

Salisbury, William, Bishop of 

Man, 290. 

Sampson, Thomas, 27. 
Sanderson, Thomas, 52, 53. 
Sandys, Edwin, Bishop of 

Worcester, 30. 
Saravia, Dr., 49, 50. 
Savile, Sir Henry, 52. 
Scambler, Edmund, Bishop of 

Peterborough, 31. 
Schoeffer, Peter, printer, of 

Worms, 5. 
Schott, Johann, printer, of 

Strassburg, 121. 
Scrivener, Dr. F. H. A., 71-2, 

Selborne, Lord Chancellor, on 

the authorization of the 16 1 1 

version, 58-9. 
Selden, John, 61. 
Sion, Bridgetine house of, at 

Isle-worth, 3. 

Smith, Miles, Bishop of Glou- 
cester, 50, 51, 58. 
Smith, Rev. Walter E., 69. 
Spalding, Robert, 50, 51. 
Sparke, Michael, 65, 75. 
Speed, John : his Genealogies 

of Scripture, 63, 339. 
Spenser, Dr. John, 52, 53. 
Stationers' Company, 41, 56, 

225, 313-22. 

Steele, Mr. Robert, 18, 121. 
Stokesley, John, Bishop of 

London, 163, 196-7, 225. 
Strassburg, 121, 174. 
Strype's Memorials, 29, 31, 155, 

Sutor, Petrus, 124. 

Taverner, Richard, his version 

of the Bible, 23, 24. 
Tedder, Mr. H. R., 12. 
Thompson, Giles, Dean of 

Windsor, 52, 

Tighe, Dr. Robert, 49, 50. 
Tomson, Laurence, 28, 42. 
Tomson, Richard, 49, 50. 
Tremellins, 61. 

Tritheim, Johann, roo, 105. 

Tuke, Sir Brian, 137, 140, 141, 

Tunstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of 
London : declines to en- 
courage Tyndale, 4, 87 ; pro- 
hibits the circulation of 
Tyndale 's translation, 131-5 ; 
endeavours to suppress the 
New Testament by purchase, 
150-3 ; burns New Testa- 
ments in St. Paul's church- 
yard, 163. 

Tyndale, William : his transla- 
tions of the New Testament, 
3-10, 24 ; translates por- 
tions of the Old Testament, 
TO-II ; Fox's account oi 
Tyndale's translations, 89- 
92 ; Tyndale's own story of 
his translation of the New 
Testament, 93-8 ; the print- 
ing of the first New Testa- 
ments, 99-108 ; the news 
sent to the King, 108-10 ; 
the supposed trial version o 
St. Matthew, no-n ; the be- 
ginning of the Prologue to the 
first New Testament, 1 1 1-4 ; 
Epilogue to the second New 
Testament, 1 14-7 : Henry 
VIII's belief that Tyndale 
was instigated by Luther, 
117-8; Tyndale and his 
fellow ' apostate ' William 
Roy, 119-21 ; an expert 
contemporary criticism of 
Tyndale's version, 122-6 ; 
the criticisms of Sir Thomas 
More, 126-31 ; episcopal pro- 
hibition, 131-5 ; the Bishop 
of London buys up the 
translation, 1 50-3 ; Stephen 
Vaughan's attempt to per- 
suade Tyndale to submit to 
the King's command, 169- 
72 ; Frith's defence of Tyn- 
dale and his work, 172-5 ; 
Tyndale complains as to 
George Joye's unauthorized 
revision of his New Testa- 



ineivt, 17884; Joye's an- 
swer, 1857 5 reconciliation 
and fresh disagreement, 188 
90 ; Joye's narrative of the 
quarrel, 1905 ; Halle's ac- 
count of Tyndale's work as 
a translator, 1956 ; his 
share in Matthew's Bible, 

Vaughaii, Stephen : endea- 
vours to persuade Tyndale to 
retract, 16972. 

Vautrollier, Thomas, printer, 

Vendeville, Dr., 33, 298. 

Vilvorde, Tyndale's imprison- 
ment and death at, 9. 

Walker, Dr. Anthony, 55, 56. 
Walsh, Sir John, 86-7. 
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 41, 

Wanley, Humphrey, 175. 
Ward, Dr. Samuel, 50, 52, 56, 

Waterton, Daniel, i, 2. 
Westcott, Bishop, 32. 
Whitctmrch, Edward, printer, 

265 ; partner with Graf ton 
in the printing and publica- 
tion of the Great Bible, 15, 
23, 66, 198, 223-40. 

Whitgift, John, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, 43, 45, 59, 329- 

Whittingham, William : trans- 
lates the New Testament, 24 ; 
probable originator of the 
Geneva Bible, 25 ; his system 
of translation and annota- 
tion, 25-6 ; its effect on the 
1611 version, 27. 

Wilkes, Thomas, 42. 

Wilson, Lea, 70. 

Wittenberg, 99, 103, 104. 

Wolsey, Cardinal, 10, 121, 135, 
137, 141, 148. 

Worcester, Chapter of, 65. 

Worms, printing at, 4-6, 93, 
108, in, 122, 153, 157, 191. 

Wright, Dr. Aldis, 32. 

Wyclif, John, first English 
translations of the Bible 
ascribed to, 13 ; works pro- 
hibited, 79-81, 173. 

Zurich, printing at, 12, 13. 
Zwinglius, 12, 173.